N\u00eb vitin 1972 feministet nga Italia, Anglia dhe Shetet e Bashkuara u mblodh\u00ebn n\u00eb Padova t\u00eb Italis\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Konferenc\u00eb dy ditore. T\u00eb lidhura me t\u00eb majt\u00ebn jasht\u00ebparlamentare, luft\u00ebrat antikolonialiste dhe alternativat e partis\u00eb komuniste, k\u00ebto aktiviste hartuan nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb p\u00ebr veprim, “Deklarata e Kolektivit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar Feminist”. Deklarat\u00eb e cila hedh\u00eb posht\u00eb ndarjen e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb pa paguar n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi dhe pun\u00ebs s\u00eb paguar n\u00eb fabrika, duke i shpallur pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb si terren kritik n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e klasave kund\u00ebr kapitalizmit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Silvia Federici, emigrante italiane q\u00eb jeton n\u00eb New York, mori pjes\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb konferenc\u00eb ku m\u00eb pas u kthye n\u00eb New York p\u00ebr t\u00eb themeluar Komitetin e Pagave t\u00eb New York-ut mbi pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb. N\u00eb vitet pasuese, ky komitet mori p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb gjera ku u shp\u00ebrnda n\u00eb qytete t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb. N\u00eb secilin rast, k\u00ebto grupe organizoheshin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb autonome, ndamas nga pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt burra q\u00eb punonin me pages\u00eb. Si\u00e7 thot\u00eb edhe \u201cTeza mbi pagat p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d (1974), \u201cAutonomia prej burrave \u00ebsht\u00eb autonomi prej kapitalit, q\u00eb e p\u00ebrdor\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr t\u2019na disiplinuar<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n N\u00eb New York, Komiteti i Pagave p\u00ebr Pun\u00ebt e Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhej nga jo m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00ebzet gra, t\u00eb cilat mbanin lidhje t\u00eb ngushta me Komitetin Italian Triveneto dhe Kolektivin Fuqia e Grave n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr. Si\u00e7 e kujton Federici, pati qarkullim t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb para, kurse an\u00ebtar\u00ebt diskutonin natyr\u00ebn paradoksale t\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00ebs p\u00ebr pag\u00eb: a ishte ky kompensim p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb dhe, n\u00ebse po, a ishte nj\u00eb reformiz\u00ebm i thjesht\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte m\u00eb tej pun\u00ebn e grave n\u00eb sistemin kapitalist \u2013 apo ishte k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr pag\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysje e pun\u00ebve t\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb, duke i zhvendosur rolet dhe identitetet sociale t\u00eb grave?<\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u00ebto ishin pyetjet qendrore n\u00eb debatet e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme t\u00eb viteve 1960 deri n\u00eb vitet 1980. Megjith\u00ebse feministet marksiste dhe socialiste kishin teorizuar gjat\u00eb mbi pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb, k\u00ebto debate t\u00eb reja u fokusuan m\u00eb konkretisht n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb politike t\u00eb pun\u00ebve t\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb t\u00eb grave n\u00eb harkun m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillimit kapitalist. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rend, riprodhimi social \u00ebsht\u00eb sh\u00ebnjues i pun\u00ebs s\u00eb papaguar t\u00eb pastrimit, gatimit, rritjes s\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, por edhe sh\u00ebnjues i pritshm\u00ebrive t\u00eb kujdesit t\u00eb feminizuar, rehatis\u00eb dhe seksit, t\u2019cilat e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb mundur pun\u00ebn me pag\u00eb t\u00eb burrave n\u00ebp\u00ebr fabrika.<\/p>\n\n\n\n P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se kat\u00ebr dekada, aktivizmi i Federicit ka qen\u00eb qendror n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pun\u00eb. Shkrimi i saj ofron nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshkrim themelor t\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00ebs p\u00ebr pag\u00eb si akt revolucionar. Pamfleti i saj me ndikim t\u00eb madh, \u201cPag\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d (1975), hapjen e b\u00ebn me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrg\u00ebnjeshtrim provokues: \u201cAta thon\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb dashuri. Ne themi se \u00ebsht\u00eb pun\u00eb e papaguar\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dokument dhe ato t\u00eb tjera, Federici argumenton se k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr pag\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lidhje kritike politike mbi organizimin e grave rreth nj\u00eb kushti t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb pun\u00ebs s\u00eb tjet\u00ebrsuar. K\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr pag\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb e pamundshme p\u00ebr kapitalizmin; suksesi do t\u2019kish sjell\u00eb rip\u00ebrcaktim t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb pasuris\u00eb n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb sociale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cPag\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb ribotuar s\u00eb fundmi nga AK Press si pjes\u00eb e koleksionit Wages for Housework: The New York Committee 1972\u20131977: History, Theory, Documents, redaktuar nga Federici dhe Arlen Austin. Ky koleksion p\u00ebrfshin nj\u00eb num\u00ebr broshurash, fjalimesh, gazetash, fotografish, k\u00ebng\u00ebsh dhe mbulimi mediatik t\u00eb papublikuara m\u00eb par\u00eb ose q\u00eb ishin t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira p\u00ebr t’u gjetur. Megjith\u00ebse koleksioni fokusohet n\u00eb New York, ai p\u00ebrfshin gjithashtu materiale nga Los Angeles, Islanda, Italia, Gjermania dhe Londra. Tekstet shpesh refuzojn\u00eb premtimin utopik se teknologjit\u00eb e reja do t\u00eb reduktojn\u00eb koh\u00ebn e shpenzuar p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb, duke liruar koh\u00eb p\u00ebr aktivitete t\u00eb tjera. Si\u00e7 argumentojn\u00eb Federici dhe Nicole Cox n\u00eb \u201cCounter-Planning from the Kitchen\u201d (1975), produktiviteti i rritur i mund\u00ebsuar nga teknologjit\u00eb e reja nuk ndryshon domosdoshm\u00ebrisht natyr\u00ebn e izoluar t\u00eb pun\u00ebve t\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb ose format normative familjare t\u00eb prodhuara prej saj.<\/p>\n\n\n\n N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb fokusohet n\u00eb risit\u00eb q\u00eb i b\u00ebjn\u00eb pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb t\u00eb duken m\u00eb \u201cndryshe\u201d, biseda e m\u00ebposhtme merr n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb teknologjit\u00eb dhe teknikat luftuese q\u00eb jan\u00eb zhvilluar p\u00ebrmes organizimit feminist mbi pun\u00ebn riprodhuese.<\/p>\n\n\n\n __________________________________________________<\/p>\n\n\n\n Jill Richards<\/strong>: Pse kolektivi juaj vendosi t\u00eb organizohej ve\u00e7mas nga grupet e tjera aktiviste q\u00eb po b\u00ebnin pun\u00eb te ngjashme me juve karshi drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00eb?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Silvia Federici:<\/strong> L\u00ebvizja e grave n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi ishte autonome sepse ishte e qart\u00eb se shqet\u00ebsimet tona nuk ishin t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr t\u00eb majt\u00ebn e dominuar nga burrat. N\u00eb vitin 1969, grat\u00eb po largoheshin nga organizatat e majta, si Student\u00ebt p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Shoq\u00ebri Demokratike (SDS), sepse sa her\u00eb q\u00eb grat\u00eb k\u00ebrkonin nj\u00eb diskutim p\u00ebr shtypjen e tyre, ato kund\u00ebrshtoheshin dhe tentonin t\u2019i heshtnin. Ishte thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha grupet e grave t\u00eb organizoheshin ve\u00e7mas nga burrat; ne nuk do t\u00eb kishim qen\u00eb kurr\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb zhvillonim nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb formave specifike t\u00eb shtypjes q\u00eb vuajn\u00eb grat\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb n\u00ebse do t\u00eb kishim mbetur n\u00eb organizata t\u00eb p\u00ebrziera. N\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur kolektivi yn\u00eb u formua n\u00eb vitin 1973, nevoja p\u00ebr autonomi feministe ishte vendosur mir\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Duke u organizuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb autonome, ne krijuam hap\u00ebsira ku grat\u00eb mund t\u00eb flisnin, t\u00eb d\u00ebgjonin nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn, t\u00eb vler\u00ebsonin p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb kuptonin se ajo q\u00eb kishim p\u00ebr t\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb ishte e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Autonomia b\u00ebri t\u00eb mundur q\u00eb ne t\u00eb gjenim z\u00ebrat tan\u00eb. M\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shtoj se asnj\u00eb organizat\u00eb feministe nuk merrej vet\u00ebm me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb pun\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n JR:<\/strong> A mund t\u00eb flisni p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si \u201cPag\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d gjeti rrug\u00ebn e saj drejt nj\u00eb vendi t\u00eb angazhimit t\u00eb thell\u00eb nd\u00ebrracor, shum\u00eb koh\u00eb p\u00ebrpara se nd\u00ebrsektorialiteti t\u00eb ishte di\u00e7ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn njer\u00ebzit flisnin dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur aktivizmi i grave ishte kryesisht i ndar\u00eb sipas linjave racore?<\/p>\n\n\n\n SF:<\/strong> Politika p\u00ebr \u201cPag\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d, u form\u00ebsua nga grat\u00eb q\u00eb dinin mir\u00eb p\u00ebr kapitalizmin, imperializmin dhe luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr kolonializmit. K\u00ebshtu, ne nuk mund t\u00eb pranonim q\u00eb \u00e7lirimi i grave mund t\u00eb ishte luft\u00eb p\u00ebr “barazi me burrat” ose se mund t\u00eb kufizohej n\u00eb pag\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb. Ne pam\u00eb se n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn m\u00ebnyr\u00eb se qysh racizmi i burrave dhe grave t\u00eb zeza kishte sh\u00ebrbyer p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar skllav\u00ebrin\u00eb, po ashtu diskriminimi me baz\u00eb gjinore kishte sh\u00ebrbyer p\u00ebr t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuar grat\u00eb si pun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb papaguar n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse ne mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebm luft\u00ebn e n\u00ebnave p\u00ebr mir\u00ebqenien, e cila udh\u00ebhiqej nga grat\u00eb e zeza – jo sepse grat\u00eb e zeza ishin shumica e grave me ndihm\u00eb sociale, gj\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ishte k\u00ebshtu, por sepse grat\u00eb e zeza ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb gatshmet p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e tyre. Ishin ato q\u00eb dol\u00ebn n\u00eb rrug\u00eb dhe than\u00eb: \u201cMir\u00ebqenia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb bamir\u00ebsi\u201d; \u201c\u00c7do grua \u00ebsht\u00eb grua pun\u00ebtore\u201d. Ato thoshin, ashtu si ne, se rritja e nj\u00eb f\u00ebmije \u00ebsht\u00eb pun\u00eb e nevojshme shoq\u00ebrore. Ato thoshin \u201cMos na thoni se jemi parazit\u00eb\u201d; \u201cMos na thoni se jemi t\u00eb varura nga shteti\u201d; \u201cKur shteti po ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr ushtar\u00eb, ai kthehet tek f\u00ebmij\u00ebt tan\u00eb\u201d; \u201cKur fabrikat kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00ebtor\u00eb, ato drejtohen kah f\u00ebmij\u00ebt tan\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Prandaj, ato e kuptuan se \u201cPag\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d do tu jepte grave m\u00eb shum\u00eb pushtet: p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr, ato do kishin m\u00eb shum\u00eb para, m\u00eb shum\u00eb kontroll mbi jet\u00ebt e tyre, duke mos qen\u00eb t\u00eb detyruara t\u00eb vareshin nga nj\u00eb burr\u00eb ose t\u00eb vareshin nga ndonj\u00eb pun\u00eb e \u00e7far\u00ebdoshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ato kishin d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimisht nevoj\u00eb, e n\u00eb terma afatgjat\u00eb, duke refuzuar vazhdimin e dh\u00ebnies s\u00eb pun\u00ebs s\u00eb papaguar klas\u00ebs kapitaliste. K\u00ebshtu duke e refuzuar t\u00eb injorojn\u00eb faktin se sht\u00ebpia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj fabrike, dhe se pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb mundur \u00e7do form\u00eb tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb pun\u00ebs \u2013 sepse prodhon pun\u00ebtor\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kjo asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk ishte menduar t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb recet\u00eb p\u00ebr grat\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos punojn\u00eb jasht\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb. M\u00eb shum\u00eb do t\u00eb thosha se kur largoheshim nga sht\u00ebpia, do t\u00eb ishim n\u00eb gjendje ta b\u00ebnim largimin t\u00eb fuqizuara e jo nga d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimi, jo se do t\u00eb na duhej t\u00eb pranonim \u00e7far\u00ebdo pune q\u00eb na ofrohej \u2013 vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr vet\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb kishim autonomi ekonomike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n JR:<\/strong> A mund t\u00eb komentoni p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb midis l\u00ebvizjeve feministe vendase dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb aspektin e organizimit t\u00eb pun\u00ebs?<\/p>\n\n\n\n SF:<\/strong> Kapitali \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ndaj edhe aktivizmi kund\u00ebr kapitalizmit duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Kjo ishte di\u00e7ka q\u00eb ne e kuptuam kur formuam Kolektivin Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar Feminist n\u00eb Padova n\u00eb ver\u00ebn e vitit 1972.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Organizimi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar na lejoi t\u00eb zhvillonim nj\u00eb kritik\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb ndaj kapitalizmit sesa mund t\u00eb fitonim nga nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb thjesht komb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb baza ditore, kjo do t\u00eb thoshte q\u00eb organizata jon\u00eb fokusohej n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb ne mund t\u00eb b\u00ebnim n\u00eb New York dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara m\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht, por gjithashtu u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebm rregullisht t\u00eb kishim takime nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ku mund t\u00eb shk\u00ebmbenim dokumente dhe analiza, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kishim nj\u00eb pamje m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb betejave q\u00eb ndanim t\u00eb gjitha.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Edhe sot e shohim nevoj\u00ebn e organizimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, si\u00e7 po ndodh rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb dhun\u00ebs ndaj grave. Dhuna nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb uniforme, ajo prek\u00eb disa gra m\u00eb shum\u00eb se disa tjera. \u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se dhuna prek grat\u00eb me ngjyr\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, shum\u00eb m\u00eb intensivisht sesa grat\u00eb e bardha. Po k\u00ebshtu, prek grat\u00eb n\u00eb Jugun Global ndryshe nga ajo e Veriut. E megjithat\u00eb si gra ne t\u00eb gjitha jemi rritur duke e ditur se nuk mund t\u00eb dalim nat\u00ebn, se duhet t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb kujdesshme se ku shkojm\u00eb, kur, si vishemi sepse shum\u00eb burra do t\u00eb kishin liri dhe t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb na ngacmojn\u00eb seksualisht. Q\u00eb nga f\u00ebmij\u00ebria, grat\u00eb e brezit tim ishin t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitura p\u00ebr faktin se dhuna do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb element n\u00eb jet\u00ebn ton\u00eb, se burrat n\u00eb rrug\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebnin komente posht\u00ebruese ose k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuese p\u00ebr trupin ton\u00eb, se baballar\u00ebt dhe burrat mund t\u00eb na rrihnin dhe do kjo t\u00eb tolerohej.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthese kryesore n\u00eb organizimin feminist ishte Gjykata Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr Krimet kund\u00ebr Grave q\u00eb u mbajt n\u00eb Bruksel n\u00eb mars 1976. Organizuar nga feministet, gjykata foli p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha format e dhun\u00ebs, jo vet\u00ebm dhun\u00ebn individuale apo n\u00eb familje, por edhe dhun\u00ebn e lidhur me luft\u00ebrat dhe politikat institucionale. Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb nga limitet e l\u00ebvizjes n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara ishte se ajo fokusohej kryesisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkimin e d\u00ebnimeve m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda p\u00ebr abuzuesit dhe shpesh bashk\u00ebpunonte me policin\u00eb. Ky ishte nj\u00eb gabim. Si\u00e7 e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb organizatat e grave t\u00eb zeza, d\u00ebnimet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb duke kriminalizuar burrat e komuniteteve tashm\u00eb t\u00eb viktimizuara. Sot thirrja \u2013 e promovuar kryesisht nga feminist\u00ebt e zinj \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi restauruese dhe p\u00ebrgjegjshm\u00ebri t\u00eb komunitetit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Analiza jon\u00eb e dhun\u00ebs ndaj grave bazohej n\u00eb shikimin e pun\u00ebve t\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb si nj\u00eb form\u00eb e prodhimit kapitalist dhe n\u00eb analizimin e rolit t\u00eb pag\u00ebs n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e organizimit familjar. Argumentuam se dhuna \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb latente n\u00eb familje, sepse, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet pag\u00ebs, shteti i delegon burrit kompetenc\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur dhe kontrolluar pun\u00ebn e gruas dhe fuqin\u00eb p\u00ebr ta penalizuar at\u00eb n\u00eb rast se ajo nuk kryen pun\u00eb. Un\u00eb do ta p\u00ebrshkruaja at\u00eb si nj\u00eb lloj rregulli indirekt: shteti nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebson kontrollin mbi grat\u00eb p\u00ebrmes burrit dhe pag\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. Jo m\u00eb kot n\u00eb vitet 1970-ta, grat\u00eb me ndihm\u00eb sociale e quanin shtetin \u201cBurri\u201d!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kjo shpjegon pse dhuna n\u00eb familje \u00ebsht\u00eb toleruar p\u00ebr kaq shum\u00eb koh\u00eb dhe rrall\u00eb her\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb trajtuar nga shteti si krim. Madje filluam ta shihnim p\u00ebrdhunimin si nj\u00eb form\u00eb disipline sht\u00ebpiake. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e kontrollit dhe rregullimit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs dhe hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs s\u00eb gruas: Nuk duhet t\u00eb dal\u00ebsh nat\u00ebn vet\u00ebm pa burrin, duhet t\u00eb jesh n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi me f\u00ebmij\u00ebt, t\u00eb b\u00ebsh pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb, t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitesh p\u00ebr t\u00eb nes\u00ebrmen etj. N\u00ebse je jasht\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb t\u2019jesh e p\u00ebrgaditun se e dini<\/em> \u00e7ka ndodh\u00eb<\/em>. K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i p\u00ebrdhunimit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb disiplin\u00eb e pashprehur p\u00ebr koh\u00ebn dhe hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e grave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Nuk duhet t\u00eb harrojm\u00eb gjithashtu se dhuna ndaj grave lidhet me abuzimin e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, popullat\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb madhe q\u00eb i n\u00ebnshtrohet dhun\u00ebs e cila nuk njihet si e till\u00eb. F\u00ebmij\u00ebt mund t\u00eb rrihen sepse, ashtu si me grat\u00eb, shteti pranon se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e nevojshme p\u00ebr t’i disiplinuar, p\u00ebr t’i p\u00ebrgatitur p\u00ebr format e ardhshme t\u00eb eksploatimit. Dhuna ndaj grave \u00ebsht\u00eb e vazhdueshme me dhun\u00ebn ndaj t\u00eb gjith\u00eb zezak\u00ebve, grave dhe burrave, megjith\u00ebse q\u00eb nga skllav\u00ebria e deri m\u00eb sot kjo ka marr\u00eb forma shum\u00eb m\u00eb brutale, shkat\u00ebrruese. Dhuna \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb e nevojshme p\u00ebr t’i detyruar njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb pranojn\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb varur n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, p\u00ebr t\u00eb imponuar forma intensive t\u00eb eksploatimit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n JR:<\/strong> Cilat aspekte t\u00eb platform\u00ebs \u201cPag\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d u keqkuptuan m\u00eb shpesh n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb?<\/p>\n\n\n\n SF:<\/strong> L\u00ebvizja m\u00eb e gjer\u00eb feministe ishte e shqet\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e kushteve t\u00eb grave, por jo aq e shqet\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr transformimin e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb larg kapitalizmit. Ne e ndienim se ishte e pamundur t\u00eb b\u00ebnim t\u00eb par\u00ebn pa b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00ebn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cPag\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d u keqkuptua duke th\u00ebn\u00eb: Na jepni para q\u00eb t\u00eb rrim\u00eb n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, duke b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat pun\u00eb sht\u00ebpie<\/em>. Ne n\u00eb fakt pagat p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb i shihnim si nj\u00eb strategji refuzimi, si nj\u00eb strategji q\u00eb na jep m\u00eb shum\u00eb mund\u00ebsi, m\u00eb shum\u00eb fuqi p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur se si ta organizojm\u00eb jet\u00ebn ton\u00eb. Ne u akuzuam p\u00ebr \u201cinstitucionalizimin e grave n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi\u201d, por shum\u00eb gra q\u00eb takuam do t\u00eb na thoshin se ishin tashm\u00eb t\u00eb institucionalizuara n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi sepse, pa parat\u00eb e tyre, nuk mund t\u00eb shkonin askund ose nuk mund t’i linin burrat e tyre edhe sikur t\u00eb donin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Pagat p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb nuk ishin q\u00ebllimi p\u00ebrfundimtar p\u00ebr ne, si\u00e7 supozuan disa kritik\u00eb – q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se nuk ishte nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim i fuqish\u00ebm n\u00eb vetvete. Ne besuam se lufta p\u00ebr paga p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e shpejt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb detyruar shtetin t\u00eb na jepte \u00e7erdhe falas dhe sh\u00ebrbime t\u00eb tjera kryesore mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, l\u00ebvizja e grave ende nuk ka mundur t’i marr\u00eb ato! Mendoj se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00ebrisht sepse l\u00ebvizja e vuri t\u00eb gjith\u00eb energjin\u00eb e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb hyr\u00eb n\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat e dominuara nga burrat dhe nuk u p\u00ebrpoq t\u00eb ndryshonte kushtet e pun\u00ebs riprodhuese, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb lidhje me pun\u00ebn n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, rritjen e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve dhe format e tjera t\u00eb pun\u00ebs s\u00eb kujdesit. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, shteti n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb sh\u00ebrbime p\u00ebr grat\u00eb, n\u00eb fakt ka reduktuar qasjen edhe n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimet q\u00eb ishin n\u00eb dispozicion. Sot \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebsh kujdesin p\u00ebr t\u00eb moshuarit dhe f\u00ebmij\u00ebt se sa ishte n\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve 1960.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Strategjia jon\u00eb ishte t\u00eb luftonim n\u00eb terrenin ku grat\u00eb jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb forta, p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb na prekin t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve, si puna n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, seksualiteti, rritja e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, si dhe puna e paguar. Kur \u00e7\u00ebshtja e pushimit t\u00eb paguar t\u00eb lehonis\u00eb shkoi n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn e Lart\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1976, pak feministe e mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebn at\u00eb sepse kishin frik\u00eb se n\u00ebse do t’u jepeshin k\u00ebto “privilegje”, nuk do t\u00eb kishin t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonin barazi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Megjithat\u00eb, kur n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 1980, grat\u00eb masivisht po hynin n\u00eb pun\u00eb me pag\u00eb, ato zbuluan se “barazia” mbetej e pakapshme, sepse atyre iu duhej t\u00eb kryenin ende shum\u00eb pun\u00eb t\u00eb papaguara n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, duke u kujdesur p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt, t\u00eb af\u00ebrmit. Dhe pastaj ato duhej t\u2019i luftonin betejat e tyre ve\u00e7 e ve\u00e7, secila n\u00eb vendin e saj t\u00eb pun\u00ebs, dhe kjo ndodhte n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur po p\u00ebrmbysej i gjith\u00eb organizimi i pun\u00ebs p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb globalizimit. Asokohe ndodhte edhe \u00e7montimi i kompleksit industrial n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, me pun\u00ebt q\u00eb shkonin jasht\u00eb vendit, me sh\u00ebrbimet shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb shkurtimit – k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb grat\u00eb po hynin n\u00eb forc\u00ebn e pun\u00ebs n\u00eb momentin kur \u00e7atia e fabrik\u00ebs po rr\u00ebzohej.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Grat\u00eb filluan t\u00eb hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb pun\u00ebtore at\u00ebher\u00eb kur filloi \u00e7montimi industrial n\u00eb SHBA – me pun\u00ebtor\u00eb q\u00eb shkonin p\u00ebr pun\u00eb jasht\u00eb vendit, me shtetin kur filloi shkurtimin e sh\u00ebrbimeve \u2013 pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb momentin kur fabrikat po shihnin fundin e tyre.<\/p>\n\n\n\n JR:<\/strong> N\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb m\u00ebnyrash aktivizmi juaj u ndihmua apo u pengua p\u00ebrparimi teknologjik?<\/p>\n\n\n\n SF:<\/strong> \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb thuhet. Por nuk mendoj se mungesa e kompjuter\u00ebve dhe e internetit ishte problem. Kjo do t\u00eb thoshte se ne kalonim m\u00eb shum\u00eb koh\u00eb duke folur me grat\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, n\u00eb lavanderit\u00eb dhe vende t\u00eb tjera ku mblidheshin ato. Mendoj se ishin shum\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, takimet ball\u00eb p\u00ebr ball\u00eb; na ndihmuan n\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb komunikimi m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr takimeve n\u00eb internet. N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, mendoj se interneti konsumon shum\u00eb nga koha jon\u00eb, por jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb produktive politikisht. Ne jemi t\u00eb zhytur n\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb informacion sesa mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballojm\u00eb, kemi k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb vazhdueshme t\u00eb cilave nuk mund t’u p\u00ebrgjigjemi ose q\u00eb na detyrojn\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi shum\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsor\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjet tona. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, kam ende tufa letrash q\u00eb kam shk\u00ebmbyer me gra n\u00eb Angli, Itali dhe Kanada, dhe disa \u2013 dhe disa prej k\u00ebtyre letrave jan\u00eb si artikuj n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si ato analizojn\u00eb situat\u00ebn politike n\u00eb k\u00ebto lokalitete – u mendua shum\u00eb p\u00ebr ato letra. Nuk ka asgj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb sot. Th\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, nuk dyshoj se interneti dhe kompjuter\u00ebt po hapin gjithashtu mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb reja.<\/p>\n\n\n\n