{"id":11173,"date":"2025-06-04T09:55:37","date_gmt":"2025-06-04T08:55:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/qika.org\/?post_type=lexo-post&p=11173"},"modified":"2025-06-04T09:59:24","modified_gmt":"2025-06-04T08:59:24","slug":"nje-feminizem-qe-synon-clirimin-e-te-gjitha-grave-duhet-te-jete-antikapitalist","status":"publish","type":"lexo-post","link":"https:\/\/qika.org\/en\/lexo-post\/nje-feminizem-qe-synon-clirimin-e-te-gjitha-grave-duhet-te-jete-antikapitalist\/","title":{"rendered":"Nj\u00eb feminiz\u00ebm q\u00eb synon \u00e7lirimin e t\u00eb gjitha grave duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb antikapitalist"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Intervist\u00eb e Olimpia Malatesta<\/a> me Nancy Fraser<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pun\u00ebtoret gra, personat me ngjyr\u00eb dhe burrat e bardh\u00eb t\u00eb Rust Belt-it mund t\u00eb mos e shohin nj\u00ebri-tjetrin si aleat\u00eb natyral\u00eb. Por si\u00e7 thot\u00eb Nancy Fraser p\u00ebr revist\u00ebn Jacobin<\/em>, ekziston nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb drejt bashkimit t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore – p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb e njohim armikun ton\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt: kapitalizmin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr barazi, jo t\u00eb gjitha format e feminizmit jan\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj. Ashtu si protestat rinore p\u00ebr klim\u00ebn dallojn\u00eb thelb\u00ebsisht nga fushatat jeshile t\u00eb korporatave, grevat vjetore t\u00eb 8 marsit kan\u00eb treguar se liberalizmi i promovuar nga figura si Hillary Clinton nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak e vetmja form\u00eb e politik\u00ebs feministe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pak autore kan\u00eb qen\u00eb kaq t\u00eb qarta sa Nancy Fraser n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, nj\u00eb kritike e mpreht\u00eb e atyre formave t\u00eb feminizmit q\u00eb synojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb shtojn\u00eb numrin e grave n\u00eb borde drejtuese dhe parlamente. Libri i saj Feminizmi p\u00ebr 99%<\/em>, i shkruar s\u00eb bashku me Cinzia Arruzza dhe Tithi Bhattacharya, mbron nj\u00eb qasje feministe q\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohet n\u00eb nevojat e shumic\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nuk b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr kufizimin e feminizmit vet\u00ebm n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e ngushta t\u00eb vendit t\u00eb pun\u00ebs \u2013 p\u00ebrkundrazi. Feminizmi p\u00ebr 99%<\/em> synon t\u00eb mobilizoj\u00eb shumic\u00ebn shoq\u00ebrore rreth nj\u00eb agjende t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, duke bashkuar interesat materiale t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve me fronte t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebs si lufta kund\u00ebr racizmit, \u00e7lirimi i komunitetit LGBT dhe lufta kund\u00ebr dhun\u00ebs patriarkale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb intervist\u00eb, Fraser flet me Olimpia Malatesta p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si feminizmi na ndihmon t\u00eb shohim p\u00ebrtej k\u00ebrkesave tradicionale t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes pun\u00ebtore, p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si politika antikapitaliste mund t\u00eb bashkoj\u00eb shumic\u00ebn shoq\u00ebrore dhe p\u00ebr kufijt\u00eb e p\u00ebrfshirjes s\u00eb partive dhe shtetit n\u00eb avancimin e feminizmit p\u00ebr 99%<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olimpia Malatesta
<\/strong>Nj\u00eb nga meritat kryesore t\u00eb Feminizmit p\u00ebr 99%<\/em> \u00ebsht\u00eb se nxjerr n\u00eb pah r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e \u201cpun\u00ebs riprodhuese\u201d, e cila edhe sot e k\u00ebsaj dite bie n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb disproporcionale mbi grat\u00eb. Kjo e dallon analiz\u00ebn tuaj nga shum\u00eb qasje t\u00eb tjera antikapitaliste q\u00eb fokusohen vet\u00ebm n\u00eb betejat rreth \u201cpun\u00ebs prodhuese\u201d (pagat, orari i pun\u00ebs, etj.). Ju argumentoni p\u00ebr zgjerimin e luft\u00ebs s\u00eb klasave edhe n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn riprodhuese, p\u00ebrmes luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr sh\u00ebrbime si kujdesi sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor universal, arsimi, transporti dhe strehimi publik. Por kjo ngre nj\u00eb pyetje tjet\u00ebr: n\u00ebse mir\u00ebqenia zakonisht garantohet nga shteti, por tashm\u00eb shteti po e \u00e7monton at\u00eb, si duhet t\u00eb pozicionohet feminizmi ndaj vet\u00eb shtetit? A duhet q\u00eb l\u00ebvizjet feministe t\u00eb angazhohen n\u00eb zhvillimin e partive progresiste (apo n\u00eb radikalizimin e partive ekzistuese, si n\u00eb rastin e Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, etj.)?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nancy Fraser
<\/strong>Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb feministet, si t\u00eb gjitha forcat progresive, \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimet publike nga masat shtr\u00ebnguese q\u00eb shtetet po zbatojn\u00eb n\u00ebn presionin e sektorit financiar. Duhet t\u2019i kund\u00ebrvihemi shkurtimeve dhe tregt\u00ebzimit t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimeve publike. Por kjo nuk mjafton.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Financa \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb globale q\u00eb i v\u00eb kombet n\u00eb konkurrenc\u00eb me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin \u2014 ajo nuk mund t\u00eb mposhtet nga asnj\u00eb vend ve\u00e7mas. Shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb kushte ku shteti nuk funksionon \u2014 n\u00eb shtete t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuara, n\u00eb kampe refugjat\u00ebsh apo n\u00eb regjime kleptokratike. Edhe atje ku shteti ekziston, ai shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb i kapur n\u00eb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruese drejt fundit, e diktuar nga investitor\u00ebt dhe bankat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, qasjet q\u00eb mb\u00ebshteten vet\u00ebm te shteti nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme \u2014 ajo q\u00eb na nevojitet \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrfuqi globale. Vet\u00ebm duke e lidhur luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr masave shtr\u00ebnguese me l\u00ebvizje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb synojn\u00eb transformimin e rendit financiar global, mund t\u00eb kemi sukses. Duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb aleanca nd\u00ebrkufitare q\u00eb angazhohen p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e t\u00eb drejtave sociale \u2014 jo vet\u00ebm brenda kufijve komb\u00ebtar\u00eb, por edhe n\u00eb shkall\u00eb globale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sa p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb pyetjes suaj, q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me raportin mes feministeve dhe partive antikapitaliste apo rrymave t\u00eb majta politike \u2014 kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje taktike, q\u00eb duhet vler\u00ebsuar sipas rrethanave lokale. Megjithat\u00eb, vendimet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim duhet t\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqen nga dy parime t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u00eb pari, nj\u00eb feminiz\u00ebm q\u00eb synon v\u00ebrtet \u00e7lirimin e t\u00eb gjitha grave duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht antikapitalist. Formulat liberale dhe pro-kapitaliste t\u00eb feminizmit mund t\u00eb fuqizojn\u00eb, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb pakic\u00eb grash t\u00eb privilegjuara n\u00eb pozita udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse \u2014 nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb pjesa m\u00eb e madhe mbetet e pambrojtur ndaj padrejt\u00ebsive dhe abuzimeve t\u00eb \u00e7do lloji.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u00eb dyti, sado t\u00eb shumta dhe t\u00eb radikalizuara t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi, feministet nuk mund ta transformojm\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes veprimit ton\u00eb t\u00eb izoluar. Ndryshimi i thell\u00eb q\u00eb nevojitet mund t\u00eb arrihet vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb aleance t\u00eb gjer\u00eb antikapitaliste \u2014 q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb edhe l\u00ebvizje dhe parti politike radikale, t\u00eb cilat deri m\u00eb tani nuk e kan\u00eb pasur barazin\u00eb gjinore n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb agjend\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre. Ne duhet t\u2019i shtyjm\u00eb q\u00eb ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb aleanca me ambientalist\u00eb radikal\u00eb, l\u00ebvizje kund\u00ebr racizmit, organizata p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e migrant\u00ebve, sindikata dhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb rruga e vetme drejt nj\u00eb transformimi t\u00eb thell\u00eb shoq\u00ebror.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb gjithashtu e vetmja rrug\u00eb drejt nj\u00eb feminizmi v\u00ebrtet \u00e7lirues. Pa dyshim, shqet\u00ebsimet tona kryesore jan\u00eb gjinia dhe seksualiteti \u2014 por k\u00ebto nuk mund t\u00eb shihen t\u00eb shk\u00ebputura nga struktura m\u00eb e gjer\u00eb e padrejt\u00ebsive shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn jan\u00eb t\u00eb ngulitura. Prandaj, feminizmi duhet ta zgjeroj\u00eb agjend\u00ebn p\u00ebrtej kuptimeve tradicionale t\u00eb \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb grave\u201d. Ashtu si\u00e7 k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb q\u00eb l\u00ebvizja pun\u00ebtore t\u00eb njoh\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb pun\u00ebn riprodhuese, edhe ne duhet ta zgjerojm\u00eb agjend\u00ebn ton\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb spektrin e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve q\u00eb ndikojn\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm mbi grat\u00eb \u2014 por mbi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olimpia Malatesta
<\/strong>A ekziston tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie mes l\u00ebvizjeve feministe dhe partive n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara? Si po vepron Partia Demokratike n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nancy Fraser
<\/strong>Feminizmi i val\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara nisi si nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje radikale, thell\u00ebsisht kund\u00ebr sistemit; si pjes\u00eb e s\u00eb Majt\u00ebs s\u00eb Re, ai nuk kishte lidhje t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejta me partit\u00eb politike. Por me kalimin e dekadave dhe zbehjen e radikalizmit t\u00eb tij fillestar, rrymat dominuese t\u00eb k\u00ebtij feminizmi u afruan me liberalizmin dhe p\u00ebrfunduan duke u integruar si nj\u00eb grup interesi brenda Partis\u00eb Demokratike. Kjo solli probleme t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, sepse ndodhi pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb momentin kur kjo parti po shnd\u00ebrrohej n\u00eb nj\u00eb motor t\u00eb neoliberalizmit dhe financiarizimit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Si pasoj\u00eb, \u201cfeminizmi zyrtar\u201d brenda kampit demokrat u lidh me politika q\u00eb i kan\u00eb shkaktuar d\u00ebme serioze klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore. Kjo situat\u00eb e ka v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsuar ndjesh\u00ebm terrenin p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha feministet n\u00eb SHBA, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb ato t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs. Problemi p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsohet m\u00eb tej nga specifikat e sistemit elektoral amerikan, i cili praktikisht e pamund\u00ebson shfaqjen dhe fuqizimin e partive t\u00eb treta (apo t\u00eb kat\u00ebrta e t\u00eb pesta). K\u00ebshtu, Partia Demokratike mbetet \u201ci vetmi opsion n\u00eb tavolin\u00eb\u201d. Dhe meq\u00eb nuk ka alternativ\u00eb tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme, l\u00ebvizjet radikale mund t\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb ndikim vet\u00ebm duke vepruar brenda saj dhe duke u p\u00ebrpjekur ta ndryshojn\u00eb nga brenda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht ajo q\u00eb po ndodh sot. Partia Demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb e ndar\u00eb midis krahut Clinton\/Obama \u2014 t\u00eb ashtuquajturit \u201cliberal\u00eb progresist\u00eb\u201d (si\u00e7 i kam quajtur un\u00eb) \u2014 dhe krahut Sanders\/Warren\/AOC, i cili p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson socialist\u00ebt demokratik\u00eb apo populist\u00ebt progresist\u00eb q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb pushtetin korporativ. K\u00ebto dy blloqe jan\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr p\u00ebr kontrollin e partis\u00eb. Nuk kam asnj\u00eb dyshim se feministet duhet t\u00eb rreshtohen me t\u00eb Majt\u00ebn n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb betej\u00eb, por nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulin q\u00eb ajo e Majt\u00eb ta vendos\u00eb mendimin feminist n\u00eb thelb t\u00eb agjend\u00ebs s\u00eb saj politike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olimpia Malatesta
<\/strong>N\u00eb librin tuaj flisni p\u00ebr \u201czinxhir\u00ebt global\u00eb t\u00eb kujdesit\u201d dhe p\u00ebr \u201ckriz\u00ebn e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb kujdesit\u201d \u2014 nj\u00eb situat\u00eb ku grave m\u00eb t\u00eb pasura u krijohet mund\u00ebsia t\u00eb pun\u00ebsojn\u00eb gra m\u00eb t\u00eb varfra (shpesh migrante apo t\u00eb racializuara) p\u00ebr t\u2019u kujdesur p\u00ebr sht\u00ebpit\u00eb, f\u00ebmij\u00ebt dhe prind\u00ebrit e tyre, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ato vet\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohen n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e karrier\u00ebs. Si\u00e7 argumentoni, k\u00ebto gra t\u00eb n\u00ebnpaguar nuk kan\u00eb m\u00eb koh\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur detyrimet e veta familjare, dhe ua delegojn\u00eb ato grave edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb varfra n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera \u2014 duke krijuar k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb zinxhir global t\u00eb kujdesit q\u00eb vazhdon posht\u00eb e m\u00eb posht\u00eb. A mund ta shpjegoni m\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht k\u00ebt\u00eb koncept t\u00eb \u201czinxhir\u00ebve global\u00eb t\u00eb kujdesit\u201d? Duke qen\u00eb se interesat e grave q\u00eb ndodhen n\u00eb krye t\u00eb k\u00ebtij zinxhiri jan\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndryshme nga atyre n\u00eb fund, si mund t\u00eb bashkohen ato n\u00eb nj\u00eb kauz\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt feministe? A ekziston nj\u00eb terren i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nancy Fraser
<\/strong>Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje shum\u00eb e mir\u00eb. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht e qart\u00eb se kush e ka shpikur shprehjen \u201czinxhir\u00ebt global\u00eb t\u00eb kujdesit\u201d, por shum\u00eb ia atribuojn\u00eb sociologes amerikane Arlie Hochschild. Ajo ka shkruar nj\u00eb artikull t\u00eb shum\u00ebcituar (\u201cDashuri dhe Ar\u201d), n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin sugjeron se dashuria \u00ebsht\u00eb ari i ri, burimi i ri \u201cnatyror\u201d q\u00eb Veriu Global po nxjerr nga Jugu Global. Ashtu si n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn nxirreshin metalet e \u00e7muara, sot nxirret kujdesi \u2014 nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb grat\u00eb e privilegjuara n\u00eb Veri marrin pun\u00ebk\u00ebrkuese, e duke punuar gjasht\u00ebdhjet\u00eb a shtat\u00ebdhjet\u00eb or\u00eb n\u00eb jav\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ngjitur shkall\u00ebt e korporatave apo p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb partnere n\u00eb firmat ligjore elitare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, ato duhet t\u00eb heqin dor\u00eb nga detyrimet e kujdesit familjar. Partner\u00ebt burra rrall\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyjn\u00eb dhe sh\u00ebrbimet publike po zvog\u00eblohen \u2014 ku t\u00eb drejtohen p\u00ebr ndihm\u00eb? P\u00ebrgjigjja jan\u00eb grat\u00eb migrante, shpesh t\u00eb racializuara, q\u00eb udh\u00ebtojn\u00eb nga gjysma tjet\u00ebr e bot\u00ebs, duke l\u00ebn\u00eb familjet e tyre n\u00eb kujdesin e grave t\u00eb tjera edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb varfra, t\u00eb cilat nga ana e tyre varen nga t\u00eb tjera edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb pambrojtura. Pra, krijohet nj\u00eb rrjet zinxhir\u00ebsh global\u00eb t\u00eb kujdesit, analog me zinxhir\u00ebt global\u00eb t\u00eb mallrave. Por kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjidhje. N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb zgjidh\u00eb munges\u00ebn e kujdesit, ajo thjesht e zhvendos te grat\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb privilegjuara. \u00cbsht\u00eb si loja e karrigeve muzikore \u2014 kur muzika ndalon, dikush mbetet pa vend. N\u00eb thelb, \u00e7lirimi i grave t\u00eb privilegjuara n\u00eb metropolet e pasura nd\u00ebrtohet mbi nxjerrjen e \u201carit\u201d nga periferia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ju pyesni: ku e l\u00eb kjo iden\u00eb e \u201cmot\u00ebrsis\u00eb globale\u201d? P\u00ebr mendimin tim, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb menduar politik\u00ebn feministe. M\u00eb mir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb se kemi disa forma t\u00eb ndryshme dhe konkurruese t\u00eb feminizmit, me vizione t\u00eb ndryshme dhe konkurruese p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb gjinore, p\u00ebr burimet e seksizmit, dhe p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb duhet ndryshuar dhe si duhet ndryshuar. K\u00ebto vizione dallojn\u00eb qart\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre klasore, racore, etnike dhe komb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb priz\u00ebm, feminizmi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mot\u00ebrsi globale, por nj\u00eb fush\u00ebbetej\u00eb politike dhe ideologjike. Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka pozitive \u2014 na duhet t\u00eb luftojm\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ju pyet\u00ebt n\u00ebse t\u00eb gjitha grat\u00eb ndajn\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat interesa. Sigurisht q\u00eb jo, n\u00ebse supozojm\u00eb se njer\u00ebzit i p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb interesat e tyre n\u00eb raport me strukturat dhe institucionet ekzistuese. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, interesat e pun\u00ebtoreve migrante t\u00eb kujdesit bien ndesh me ato t\u00eb grave t\u00eb privilegjuara q\u00eb i pun\u00ebsojn\u00eb p\u00ebr or\u00eb t\u00eb gjata, me pagesa t\u00eb ul\u00ebta dhe pa t\u00eb drejta pune. Por nuk jemi t\u00eb detyruara t\u2019i marrim k\u00ebto kuptime aktuale t\u00eb interesave si t\u00eb paprekshme. N\u00eb periudha krize, shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz radikalizohen dhe fillojn\u00eb t\u2019i kuptojn\u00eb interesat e tyre ndryshe. T\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr nga projekte p\u00ebr transformim shoq\u00ebror, ata i riformulojn\u00eb interesat e tyre n\u00eb nj\u00eb drit\u00eb t\u00eb re. \u00cbsht\u00eb e mundur q\u00eb disa gra nga shtresa profesionale-menaxheriale, t\u00eb cilat sot jan\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr nga format neoliberale t\u00eb feminizmit, mund t\u00eb \u201ckonvertohen\u201d, p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur nj\u00eb metafor\u00eb, n\u00eb feminizmin p\u00ebr 99 p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshin. Por kjo do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse l\u00ebvizja jon\u00eb b\u00ebhet e madhe, e fuqishme dhe bind\u00ebse n\u00eb pretendimin se ofron nj\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb kjo p\u00ebr kriz\u00ebn e kujdesit? Feministet p\u00ebr 99 p\u00ebrqindin synojn\u00eb t\u00eb transformojn\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien mes \u201cprodhimit\u201d dhe \u201criprodhimit\u201d. Ne themi se askush nuk duhet t\u00eb punoj\u00eb gjasht\u00ebdhjet\u00eb apo shtat\u00ebdhjet\u00eb or\u00eb n\u00eb jav\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb jet\u00eb kuptimplot\u00eb. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ken\u00eb nj\u00eb jav\u00eb pune shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr dhe shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr koh\u00eb p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn familjare, pjes\u00ebmarrjen politike dhe k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi t\u00eb tjera. Askush nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb i bllokuar n\u00eb loj\u00ebra me zero p\u00ebrfitim, ku duhet t\u00eb heq\u00ebsh dor\u00eb nga nj\u00eb aspekt thelb\u00ebsor i jet\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ken\u00eb qasje n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb bollshme dhe bujare p\u00ebr pun\u00ebn e kujdesit \u2014 nga shteti, miqt\u00eb, fqinj\u00ebt dhe organizatat e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile. Burrat duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb po aq p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb sa grat\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto aktivitete. Vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb qasje e till\u00eb mund t\u00eb zgjidh\u00eb v\u00ebrtet kriz\u00ebn e tanishme t\u00eb kujdesit dhe ta b\u00ebj\u00eb jet\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olimpia Malatesta
<\/strong>Manifesti juaj mb\u00ebshtet nj\u00eb feminiz\u00ebm q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin shumic\u00ebn d\u00ebrrmuese t\u00eb grave dhe q\u00eb synon nj\u00eb transformim shoq\u00ebror radikal. Duke b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, ju nxirrni n\u00eb pah hipokrizin\u00eb e feminizmit progresiv-neoliberal apo menaxherial, me ideologjin\u00eb e vet p\u00ebr \u201cthyerjen e tavanit prej qelqi\u201d \u2014 nj\u00eb retorik\u00eb q\u00eb i l\u00eb grat\u00eb e tjera (ato me m\u00eb pak mund\u00ebsi dhe m\u00eb pak \u201ckapital njer\u00ebzor\u201d) \u201cn\u00eb bodrum\u201d. Por p\u00ebr k\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar manifesti juaj \u2014 p\u00ebr aktivistet feministe, apo p\u00ebr ato q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen t\u00eb tilla n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen? Edhe n\u00ebse diagnoza juaj \u00ebsht\u00eb e sakt\u00eb, ideja individualiste e \u201cleaning in\u201d \u2014 q\u00eb fshin \u00e7do konsiderat\u00eb p\u00ebr klas\u00ebn apo rac\u00ebn \u2014 \u00ebsht\u00eb ende shum\u00eb e fuqishme p\u00ebr shum\u00eb gra, sidomos p\u00ebr ato q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb politizuara. Dhe megjith\u00ebse ideologjia neoliberale \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb r\u00ebnie, ende ekziston nj\u00eb \u201cantropologji neoliberale\u201d jo vet\u00ebm tek 1 p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshi m\u00eb i pasur, por edhe tek grat\u00eb e klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme dhe ndoshta edhe t\u00eb varf\u00ebra. A duhet ta hedhim posht\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj feminizmi? Apo mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime shoq\u00ebrore ose progresive?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nancy Fraser
<\/strong>Mund t\u00eb kesh t\u00eb drejt\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz t\u00eb klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme apo t\u00eb lart\u00eb, sensi i zakonsh\u00ebm vijon t\u00eb mbetet liberal ose neoliberal, shpesh pa reflektim kritik. Por mendoj se p\u00ebr shtresat e tjera kjo m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb menduari ka humbur shum\u00eb nga ndikimi dhe autoriteti i saj. Neoliberalizmi tashm\u00eb ka p\u00ebrplasur kok\u00ebn me murin, dhe klasat pun\u00ebtore \u2014 bashk\u00eb me shtresat m\u00eb t\u00eb varfra \u2014 e ndjejn\u00eb qart\u00eb se ai nuk funksionon p\u00ebr ta. Madje edhe gjysma e poshtme e klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme e ka kuptuar k\u00ebt\u00eb. Pik\u00ebrisht kjo e b\u00ebn feminizmin p\u00ebr 99 p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshin jo nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr naive apo utopike, por nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje konkrete ndaj kushteve t\u00eb sotme: \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb realiteti social q\u00eb po na del p\u00ebrpara dhe po na th\u00ebrret.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nd\u00ebrsa gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz po humbasin besimin n\u00eb partit\u00eb dhe politikan\u00ebt tradicional\u00eb, po b\u00ebhen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb jasht\u00eb kornizave t\u00eb zakonshme. Kjo vlen edhe p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr drejt figurave si Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro, Narendra Modi apo Matteo Salvini n\u00eb Itali. Por gjithashtu edhe p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb po orientohen drejt formacioneve m\u00eb t\u00eb paqarta si L\u00ebvizja Pes\u00eb Yjet, apo drejt figurave t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs populiste si Bernie Sanders, Jean-Luc M\u00e9lenchon apo Jeremy Corbyn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb klim\u00eb t\u00eb pasiguris\u00eb, fluiditetit dhe eksperimentimit politik, \u00ebsht\u00eb jetike q\u00eb feministet e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs \u2014 ashtu si e majta n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi \u2014 t\u00eb hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb loj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb reale, jo vet\u00ebm ndaj populizmit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb, por edhe ndaj \u201cneoliberalizmit progresiv\u201d. Jemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment ku bindjet dhe idet\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb me shpejt\u00ebsi dhe ne duhet t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb hedhim n\u00eb qarkullim idet\u00eb tona m\u00eb t\u00eb mira.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ju pyet\u00ebt: p\u00ebr k\u00eb e kemi shkruar manifestin? P\u00ebr nj\u00eb gam\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb lexuesish. N\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme, e kemi shkruar p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr nga nj\u00eb form\u00eb e majt\u00eb e feminizmit \u2014 nj\u00eb grup q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin shum\u00eb t\u00eb reja (dhe gjithashtu t\u00eb rinj) q\u00eb jan\u00eb radikalizuar dhe q\u00eb duan t\u00eb angazhohen si aktivist\u00eb. Shum\u00eb prej tyre nuk kan\u00eb ende nj\u00eb njohje t\u00eb thell\u00eb as p\u00ebr kapitalizmin, as p\u00ebr feminizmin apo socializmin. Ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb politizuar rishtazi dhe kan\u00eb etje p\u00ebr nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019u jap\u00eb kuptim, drejtim dhe frym\u00ebzim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olimpia Malatesta
<\/strong>Dhe ata nuk e refuzojn\u00eb fjal\u00ebn \u201csocializ\u00ebm\u201d… t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nancy Fraser
<\/strong>Po, \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara dallojn\u00eb nga Evropa n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt. Historikisht, Evropa ka pasur parti t\u00eb m\u00ebdha socialiste, shum\u00eb prej t\u00eb cilave sot jan\u00eb n\u00eb r\u00ebnie, sepse zgjodh\u00ebn t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin projektin neoliberal. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb SHBA nuk ka ekzistuar nj\u00eb parti madhore q\u00eb ta ket\u00eb quajtur veten \u201csocialiste\u201d p\u00ebr gati nj\u00eb shekull. Prandaj, ndoshta p\u00ebr ne \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e leht\u00eb ta rimarrim dhe rimendojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb term; nd\u00ebrsa ju n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndiheni t\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoni fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera. Por n\u00eb t\u00eb dy kontinentet (dhe p\u00ebrtej tyre!), shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz po i afrohen s\u00eb majt\u00ebs \u2014 p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb gra q\u00eb tashm\u00eb identifikohen si feministe dhe t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb sapo po b\u00ebjn\u00eb hapat e par\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00ebta jan\u00eb nd\u00ebr lexuesit e shumt\u00eb q\u00eb po e lexojn\u00eb manifestin ton\u00eb n\u00eb vende t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Disa grupe brenda partive politike apo sindikatave po e p\u00ebrdorin at\u00eb n\u00eb rrethe leximi p\u00ebr t\u00eb edukuar an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e tyre. Po ashtu, manifesti po lexohet edhe n\u00eb universitete \u2014 jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb programe t\u00eb studimeve gjinore, por edhe n\u00eb departamente t\u00eb tjera. Ka gjithashtu lexues q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb diskutimet feministe, por q\u00eb jan\u00eb aktiv\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00ebn e l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb tjera, si ato sindikaliste, antiraciste apo ambientaliste.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, sepse manifesti mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si nj\u00eb model p\u00ebr shum\u00eb l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb tjera. Aktivist\u00ebt p\u00ebr mjedisin, p\u00ebr shembull, mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtasin strategjin\u00eb ton\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb ambientaliz\u00ebm p\u00ebr 99 p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshin; po ashtu, ata q\u00eb luftojn\u00eb kund\u00ebr racizmit mund t\u00eb formulojn\u00eb nj\u00eb antiraciz\u00ebm p\u00ebr 99 p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshin \u2014 dhe k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. S\u00eb fundi, vlen t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet se manifesti yn\u00eb u botua nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht n\u00eb nj\u00ebzet gjuh\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrkthime t\u00eb tjera jan\u00eb ende n\u00eb proces. Kjo tregon qart\u00eb se ekziston nj\u00eb etje reale p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj mendimi \u2014 nj\u00eb mendim q\u00eb u flet audiencave t\u00eb ndryshme q\u00eb dikur ishin t\u00eb ndara, por q\u00eb sot mund t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olimpia Malatesta
<\/strong>Shpesh, debati politik n\u00eb lidhje me klas\u00ebn reduktohet n\u00eb figur\u00ebn e \u201cpun\u00ebtorit t\u00eb bardh\u00eb\u201d, sikur klasa pun\u00ebtore t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhej vet\u00ebm nga burra t\u00eb bardh\u00eb q\u00eb punojn\u00eb n\u00eb industrin\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb, thuhet se feminizmi dhe anti-racizmi jan\u00eb faktor\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebs brenda klas\u00ebs, q\u00eb krijojn\u00eb ndasi t\u00eb panevojshme midis grupeve t\u00eb shtypura. Si do t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjeshit k\u00ebsaj perspektive? N\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb shum\u00eb burra t\u00eb bardh\u00eb t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore n\u00eb zonat industriale t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb votuan p\u00ebr Donald Trumpin, si mund nj\u00eb forc\u00eb politike e majt\u00eb t\u2019i bind\u00eb ata se feminizmi dhe anti-racizmi nuk jan\u00eb thjesht beteja p\u00ebr njohje identitare q\u00eb konkurron me ta, por mbi t\u00eb gjitha, \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjen e burimeve? Si mundet e majta t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb bllok t\u00eb ri hegjemonik q\u00eb bashkon pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt e industris\u00eb, minierave dhe nd\u00ebrtimit me ata q\u00eb punojn\u00eb n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbime, kujdes, dhe sektorin publik \u2014 nj\u00eb shtres\u00eb ku p\u00ebrfshihen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb theksuar gra, migrant\u00eb dhe njer\u00ebz me ngjyr\u00eb?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nancy Fraser
<\/strong>E majta duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u2019i bind\u00eb t\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto grupe njer\u00ebzish \u2014 t\u00eb cil\u00ebt zakonisht nuk e shohin veten si aleat\u00eb \u2014 se tani \u00ebsht\u00eb koha p\u00ebr t\u00eb bashkuar forcat. Duhet t\u2019u tregojm\u00eb se edhe pse problemet e tyre mund t\u00eb duken t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe, ato burojn\u00eb nga i nj\u00ebjti sistem shoq\u00ebror: kapitalizmi financiar. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se duhet t\u2019u ofrojm\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201chart\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs secili grup mund t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb pozicionin e vet n\u00eb lidhje me tjetrin, t\u00eb identifikoj\u00eb armikun e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb shoh\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr veprim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt kund\u00ebr tij. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb thelb, ajo q\u00eb mendoj se duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb e majta sot.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Manifesti \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shembull i k\u00ebsaj strategjie. Sigurisht, ai nuk i drejtohet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve t\u00eb Rust Belt-it q\u00eb votuan p\u00ebr Trumpin \u2014 e aq m\u00eb pak homolog\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre jasht\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb. Por ai u drejtohet lexuesve feminist\u00eb dhe t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs, me t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kemi krijuar besim dhe ndikim. Si\u00e7 kam th\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, manifesti synon t\u2019u ofroj\u00eb k\u00ebtyre lexuesve nj\u00eb lloj \u201chart\u00eb konceptuale\u201d q\u00eb ata mund ta p\u00ebrshtatin vet\u00eb p\u00ebr audiencat e tyre \u2014 me gjuh\u00ebn, nevojat dhe realitetet q\u00eb njohin nga af\u00ebr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, n\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr tekst timin (E vjetra po vdes dhe e reja nuk po lind dot<\/em>), kam propozuar nj\u00eb strategji t\u00eb majt\u00eb populiste q\u00eb mund t\u00eb bashkoj\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb votuesve t\u00eb Trumpit nga Rust Belt-i me pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore amerikane \u2014 gra, persona me ngjyr\u00eb, migrant\u00eb \u2014 t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn kan\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tij progresiv\u00eb-neoliberal\u00eb (Obam\u00ebn, Clinton\u00ebt dhe s\u00eb fundmi Bidenin). Feminizmi p\u00ebr 99 p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshin<\/em> \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebs thelb\u00ebsor i k\u00ebsaj aleance t\u00eb mundshme kund\u00ebr-hegjemonike \u2014 nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olimpia Malatesta
<\/strong>\u00c7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb populiz\u00ebm i majt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar mb\u00ebshtetjen e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve t\u00eb Rust Belt-it? Fundja, shumica prej tyre ndoshta nuk jan\u00eb thelb\u00ebsisht racist\u00eb, homofob\u00eb apo mizogjen\u00eb \u2014 edhe pse disa mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb ekzistoj\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr t\u2019u folur atyre, p\u00ebr t\u2019i angazhuar ndryshe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nancy Fraser
<\/strong>Po, pik\u00ebrisht. \u00cbsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb t\u2019u drejtohemi. N\u00ebse nuk e b\u00ebjm\u00eb, thjesht ia l\u00ebm\u00eb terrenin t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs. Hapi i par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb se k\u00ebta njer\u00ebz kan\u00eb ankesa legjitime. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb njohim faktin se ata kan\u00eb arsye t\u00eb refuzojn\u00eb partit\u00eb neoliberale t\u00eb \u201cqendr\u00ebs\u201d, t\u00eb cilat shkat\u00ebrruan modelin ekonomik q\u00eb dikur u kishte ofruar nj\u00ebfar\u00eb dinjiteti dhe nj\u00eb arsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb besuar se f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e tyre do t\u00eb jetonin m\u00eb mir\u00eb. Sot, ato pritshm\u00ebri jan\u00eb zhdukur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb se shum\u00eb prej tyre \u2014 t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn p\u00ebr momentin \u2014 jan\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr nga narrativa q\u00eb u jep nj\u00eb shpjegim t\u00eb rrem\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb fajtor. Ne duhet t\u2019u themi: \u201cKeni t\u00eb drejt\u00eb q\u00eb jeni t\u00eb zem\u00ebruar, por po faj\u00ebsoni njer\u00ebzit e gabuar. Nuk jan\u00eb emigrant\u00ebt, njer\u00ebzit me ngjyr\u00eb, meksikan\u00ebt, mysliman\u00ebt, afrikan\u00ebt apo hebrenjt\u00eb. Fajtori i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb financa globale dhe neoliberalizmi.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kjo na \u00e7on te dallimi thelb\u00ebsor mes populizmit t\u00eb majt\u00eb dhe atij t\u00eb djatht\u00eb. T\u00eb dy mobilizojn\u00eb \u201cpopullin\u201d kund\u00ebr elitave q\u00eb shihen si shtyp\u00ebse nga lart. Por populizmi i djatht\u00eb shkon edhe m\u00eb tej: ai mobilizon nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtrese \u201ct\u00eb poshtme\u201d q\u00eb, sipas tij, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon popullin nga posht\u00eb \u2014 qofshin k\u00ebta zezak\u00eb, latin\u00eb, migrant\u00eb, mysliman\u00eb, arab\u00eb apo hebrenj.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, populizmi i djatht\u00eb vendos \u201cpopullin e thjesht\u00eb\u201d mes dy zjarresh: elitave t\u00eb pasura lart dhe grupeve t\u00eb margjinalizuara posht\u00eb. Ai p\u00ebrzien zem\u00ebrimin e drejt\u00eb ndaj t\u00eb pasurve me faj\u00ebsimin e padrejt\u00eb t\u00eb minoriteteve. K\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb dallim thelb\u00ebsor me populizmin e majt\u00eb, i cili nuk k\u00ebrkon viktima p\u00ebr t\u00eb faj\u00ebsuar, por synon t\u00eb zgjeroj\u00eb konceptin e \u201cpopullit\u201d, duke bashkuar shtresat e mesme dhe t\u00eb ul\u00ebta kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb pakice t\u00eb fuqishme elitare. L\u00ebvizja Occupy<\/em> e p\u00ebrkufizoi k\u00ebt\u00eb qart\u00ebsisht, duke v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb sh\u00ebnjest\u00ebr 1 p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshin n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb 99 p\u00ebrqind\u00ebshit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ka edhe nj\u00eb dallim tjet\u00ebr thelb\u00ebsor: populist\u00ebt e djatht\u00eb i p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb elitat q\u00eb urrejn\u00eb n\u00eb terma identitar\u00eb \u2014 si \u201cliberal\u00eb laik\u00eb\u201d, \u201cbankier\u00eb hebrenj\u201d apo \u201chomoseksual\u00eb\u201d \u2014 nd\u00ebrsa populist\u00ebt e majt\u00eb i identifikojn\u00eb elit\u00ebn p\u00ebrmes rolit t\u00eb saj funksional dhe pozit\u00ebs strukturale n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb etiketimeve identitare, ata flasin p\u00ebr Wall Street-in<\/em>, Big Tech-un<\/em> apo financ\u00ebn globale<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olimpia Malatesta
<\/strong>N\u00eb nj\u00eb artikull t\u00eb publikuar n\u00eb vjesht\u00ebn e vitit 2017, ju argumentonit se si neoliberalizmi progresiv<\/em> \u2014 aleanca mes multikulturalizmit, feminizmit, t\u00eb drejtave LGBTQ dhe ambientalizmit me at\u00eb q\u00eb ju e keni quajtur \u201cGoldman Sachs-ifikimi i ekonomis\u00eb amerikane\u201d \u2014 si dhe neoliberalizmi reaksionar<\/em> \u2014 nj\u00eb kombinim i politikave neoliberale t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjes me nj\u00eb politik\u00eb reaksionare t\u00eb njohjes \u2014 kishin filluar t\u00eb humbnin hegjemonin\u00eb e tyre n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara pas kriz\u00ebs ekonomike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kjo \u00e7oi n\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb \u201cboshll\u00ebku hegjemoni\u201d, i cili m\u00eb pas u mbush me ngritjen e formave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb populizmit \u2014 si atij progresiv, ashtu edhe atij reaksionar. Fillimisht, k\u00ebt\u00eb betej\u00eb p\u00ebr hegjemonin\u00eb e fitoi Donald Trump, kryesisht p\u00ebrmes premtimeve t\u00eb tij p\u00ebr nj\u00eb politik\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb burimeve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ju theksoni se, megjith\u00ebse gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 2016 Trump u paraqit si nj\u00eb \u201cpopulist reaksionar\u201d, politikat q\u00eb zbatoi realisht n\u00eb pushtet e zbuluan si nj\u00eb \u201cneoliberal hiper-reaksionar\u201d. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, ai braktisi \u00e7do premtim p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi ekonomike dhe e p\u00ebrqendroi qeverisjen e tij vet\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb njohjes me ngjyrime reaksionare \u2014 patriarkale, mizogjine, homofobe dhe raciste.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A mendoni se ky p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzim i politikave identitare reaksionare, pa nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjes reale, mjafton p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur nj\u00eb konsensus t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm? Apo \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo nj\u00eb formul\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebhet me kalimin e koh\u00ebs?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nancy Fraser
<\/strong>\u00cbsht\u00eb me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb trondit\u00ebse t\u00eb shoh\u00ebsh dram\u00ebn trumpiane teksa shpaloset dita-dit\u00ebs \u2014 \u00e7do dit\u00eb sjell di\u00e7ka m\u00eb skandaloze se e m\u00ebparshmja. Por megjithat\u00eb, Trump nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb as edhe nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje minimale p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar vende t\u00eb reja pune t\u00eb paguara mir\u00eb n\u00eb sektorin e prodhimit apo p\u00ebr t\u00eb investuar n\u00eb projekte madhore publike q\u00eb do t\u00eb riparonin infrastruktur\u00ebn e degraduar t\u00eb vendit. Madje edhe n\u00eb SHBA ka ura q\u00eb shemben dhe marrin jet\u00eb njer\u00ebzish.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs, Trump premtoi investime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb, por n\u00eb realitet nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb asgj\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. Ai preferon t\u00eb operoj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb fantazie, ku pretendon se po nd\u00ebrton nj\u00eb \u201cmur t\u00eb bukur\u201d n\u00eb kufirin me Meksik\u00ebn. Edhe lufta tregtare me Kin\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq iluzore dhe mashtruese. E gjith\u00eb retorika nacional-populiste n\u00eb bot\u00eb nuk mjafton p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbuluar faktin se baza e tij pun\u00ebtore nuk p\u00ebrfiton aspak nga k\u00ebto politika t\u00eb \u00e7oroditura. N\u00ebse Trump po nd\u00ebrhyn n\u00eb zinxhir\u00ebt global\u00eb t\u00eb furnizimit, n\u00eb nj\u00eb ekonomi bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb integruar q\u00eb funksionon p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfitimin e elit\u00ebs kapitaliste, kjo nuk p\u00ebrkthehet n\u00eb p\u00ebrfitime p\u00ebr pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pra, po \u2014 Trump po qeveris si nj\u00eb neoliberal hiper-reaksionar. Por p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb mund ta mbaj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pozicion? Askush nuk mund ta thot\u00eb me siguri. N\u00eb nj\u00eb nivel \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se veprimet e tij si president kan\u00eb tradhtuar shum\u00eb nga ata q\u00eb e mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebn, t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr nga premtimet populiste. Por sa prej tyre do t\u00eb distancohen prej tij n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2020? Kjo do t\u00eb varet nga ajo q\u00eb do t\u00eb ken\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb si alternativ\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Disa nga votuesit e Trumpit jan\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb sindikatave q\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb kan\u00eb votuar p\u00ebr Demokrat\u00ebt. Shum\u00eb prej tyre nuk jan\u00eb racist\u00eb t\u00eb bindur \u2014 disa kan\u00eb votuar p\u00ebr Obam\u00ebn, si n\u00eb vitin 2008 ashtu edhe n\u00eb 2012, kur ai adoptoi gjuh\u00ebn e l\u00ebvizjes Occupy<\/em> p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb fushat\u00eb nga e majta. Po aq dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb disa prej tyre votuan p\u00ebr Bernie Sanders n\u00eb primaret e vitit 2016.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A mund t\u2019i fitojn\u00eb Demokrat\u00ebt s\u00ebrish k\u00ebta votues? Mendoj se shansi m\u00eb i mir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb kandidojn\u00eb nj\u00eb kandidat t\u00eb majt\u00eb pa ndjes\u00eb, si Bernie Sanders apo Elizabeth Warren \u2014 t\u00eb cil\u00ebt tashm\u00eb po b\u00ebjn\u00eb fushat\u00eb si populist\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb. Ata jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb artikulojn\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimet reale t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj shtrese dhe t\u2019i z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojn\u00eb faj\u00ebsimet e rreme t\u00eb Trumpit me nj\u00eb diagnoz\u00eb strukturore t\u00eb sakt\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb nuk funksionon dhe q\u00eb ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshim. N\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt, nj\u00eb kandidat i qendr\u00ebs dhe neoliberal i stilit \u201cprogresiv\u201d si Joe Biden do t\u00eb ket\u00eb efektin e kund\u00ebrt: do t\u2019i shtyj\u00eb votuesit e bardh\u00eb t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore s\u00ebrish drejt Trumpit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olimpia Malatesta
<\/strong>Pse mendoni se kategoria e \u201cfashizmit\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb e pap\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar momentin aktual?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nancy Fraser
<\/strong>Un\u00eb e shoh koh\u00ebn q\u00eb po jetojm\u00eb si nj\u00eb moment thell\u00ebsisht t\u00eb hapur dhe jasht\u00ebzakonisht fluid. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb interregnum, p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur termin e Gramscit \u2014 nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn \u201ce vjetra po vdes dhe e reja nuk mund t\u00eb lind\u00eb.\u201d Nd\u00ebrsa sensi i zakonsh\u00ebm dominues po shembet, njer\u00ebzit l\u00ebkunden n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paparashikueshme n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb spektrin politik: nj\u00eb dit\u00eb votojn\u00eb p\u00ebr M\u00e9lenchon, dit\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr Marine Le Pen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebrproduktive t\u00eb ringjallim spektrin e fashizmit. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb politikat dhe retorika e Trumpit jan\u00eb plot urrejtje dhe p\u00ebrjashtim \u2014 dhe se ato kan\u00eb nxitur raste t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs raciste. Por t\u00eb thuash sot se \u201cfashist\u00ebt jan\u00eb te dera\u201d dhe se p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye duhet t\u00eb bashkohemi pa kushte me liberal\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u2019i ndalur, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gabim i madh. Ende ka hap\u00ebsir\u00eb politike p\u00ebr veprim \u2014 dhe tani \u00ebsht\u00eb momenti p\u00ebr ta shfryt\u00ebzuar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00ebse nuk veprojm\u00eb sot, mund t\u00eb vij\u00eb nj\u00eb dit\u00eb kur fashist\u00ebt do t\u00eb jen\u00eb v\u00ebrtet te dera. Dhe n\u00ebse ndodh kjo, un\u00eb do t\u00eb luftoj krah p\u00ebr krah me liberal\u00ebt antifashist\u00eb. Por ende nuk jemi n\u00eb at\u00eb pik\u00eb. P\u00ebrkundrazi, duhet ta themi qart\u00eb: ishin pik\u00ebrisht liberal\u00ebt ata q\u00eb hap\u00ebn rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr ngritjen e k\u00ebtij populizmi brutal t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs. Ishte projekti i tyre i quajtur \u201cneoliberaliz\u00ebm progresiv\u201d ai q\u00eb krijoi kushtet p\u00ebr ardhjen e Trumpit. Dhe n\u00ebse i kthejm\u00eb s\u00ebrish n\u00eb pushtet, ata nuk do t\u00eb zgjidhin problemin \u2014 p\u00ebrkundrazi, do t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatisin terrenin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb version edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb eg\u00ebr t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs populiste, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Trump t\u00eb radh\u00ebs edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kontribueset
<\/strong>Nancy Fraser \u00ebsht\u00eb profesore e filozofis\u00eb dhe politik\u00ebs n\u00eb New School for Social Research. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb autore e librave Fortunes of Feminism<\/em>, Unruly Practices<\/em>, si dhe bashk\u00ebredaktore e librit m\u00eb t\u00eb fundit Feminism for the 99%<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olimpia Malatesta \u00ebsht\u00eb kandidate e doktoratur\u00ebs n\u00eb historin\u00eb e mendimit politik n\u00eb Universitetin e Bolonj\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb Friedrich-Schiller-Universit\u00e4t Jena. Aktualisht, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb duke punuar n\u00eb disertacionin e saj mbi origjinat konceptuale t\u00eb ordoliberalizmit gjerman.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebrktheu Riola Morina.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Artikullin origjinal e gjeni k\u00ebtu<\/em><\/strong><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebrkthimi i k\u00ebtij artikulli \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur nga Ambasada Holandeze p\u00ebrmes projektit \u201cFuqizimi i Grave n\u00eb Treg t\u00eb Pun\u00ebs\u201d, i cili zbatohet nga Qendra Kosovare p\u00ebr Studime Gjinore dhe QIKA.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":11174,"template":"","class_list":["post-11173","lexo-post","type-lexo-post","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nNj\u00eb feminiz\u00ebm q\u00eb synon \u00e7lirimin e t\u00eb gjitha grave duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb antikapitalist - QIKA<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/qika.org\/lexo-post\/nje-feminizem-qe-synon-clirimin-e-te-gjitha-grave-duhet-te-jete-antikapitalist\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Nj\u00eb feminiz\u00ebm q\u00eb synon \u00e7lirimin e t\u00eb gjitha grave duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb antikapitalist - QIKA\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Intervist\u00eb e Olimpia Malatesta me Nancy Fraser Pun\u00ebtoret gra, personat me ngjyr\u00eb dhe burrat e bardh\u00eb t\u00eb Rust Belt-it mund t\u00eb mos e shohin nj\u00ebri-tjetrin si aleat\u00eb natyral\u00eb. 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