\u00c7mimi i nj\u00eb vajze n\u00eb Afganistan sot \u00ebsht\u00eb rreth 3,200 dollar\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7mimi i zakonsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb (q\u00eb konsiderohet si nuse) n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend ku uria ka p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb t\u00eb dhjet\u00ebn e popullsis\u00eb, ku ndihma nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ka r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb 70% n\u00ebn nivelet e vitit 2025 dhe ku regjimi i taliban\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb tretin vit me radh\u00eb jan\u00eb duke ua hequr sistematikisht grave dhe vajzave \u00e7do mbrojtje ligjore q\u00eb dikur e kishin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Baballar\u00ebt po i shesin vajzat e tyre dhe d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimi, uria, dhe r\u00ebnia e ndihm\u00ebs po rriten. Por d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimi ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb shpjegimi dhe, n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment, shpjegimi shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb justifikim q\u00eb u kushton vajzave jet\u00ebn. Gjat\u00eb dekadave t\u00eb raportimit mbi konfliktet dhe varf\u00ebrin\u00eb, kam par\u00eb se si fraza \u201cnuk kishte zgjidhje tjet\u00ebr\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr t\u00eb kryer nj\u00eb pun\u00eb t\u00eb madhe morale n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb burrave q\u00eb, n\u00eb fakt, kishin zgjedhje, por nuk ishin t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u2019i b\u00ebnin. Djemt\u00eb nuk po shiten. Lufta ndaj uris\u00eb nuk po b\u00ebhet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb neutrale p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket gjinis\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kur nj\u00eb familje vendos se cili f\u00ebmij\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet objekt i transaksionit, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjedhje, jo fatkeq\u00ebsi natyrore. Uria krijon presionin. Baballar\u00ebt marrin vendimin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Raportimet mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb kriz\u00eb, kur ato ekzistojn\u00eb, priren t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohen te shit\u00ebsit. Te varf\u00ebria. Te politikat e taliban\u00ebve. Te mungesat n\u00eb financimin nga UNICEF dhe UNHCR. T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto jan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta dhe meritojn\u00eb t\u00eb dokumentohen. Megjithat\u00eb, ekziston nj\u00eb pyetje q\u00eb pothuajse nuk shtrohet kurr\u00eb dhe mungesa e saj nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt e rast\u00ebsishme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kush po i blen k\u00ebto vajza?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kjo pyetje i v\u00eb njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb sikletin q\u00eb shprehja \u201cmunges\u00eb fondesh p\u00ebr ndihm\u00ebn humanitare\u201d nuk e b\u00ebn. Ajo k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb gjenden, me sakt\u00ebsi, burrat q\u00eb paguajn\u00eb para p\u00ebr t\u00eb bler\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb p\u00ebr shfryt\u00ebzim seksual. K\u00ebrkon t\u00eb pranohet se kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb d\u00ebshtim abstrakt humanitar, por nj\u00eb tregti mes bler\u00ebsit, shit\u00ebsit, ku ka transaksione dhe fitime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kjo k\u00ebrkon gjithashtu t\u00eb p\u00ebrballemi me faktin se k\u00ebrkesa nuk vjen vet\u00ebm nga burrat afgan\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr brenda t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtave fshatra. Ka bler\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur. Ka bler\u00ebs p\u00ebrtej kufijve. Kjo praktik\u00eb ka nj\u00eb shtrirje gjeografike q\u00eb shkon shum\u00eb p\u00ebrtej narrativ\u00ebs s\u00eb zakoneve lokale dhe d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimit t\u00eb nxitur nga varf\u00ebria.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Martesat e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve n\u00eb Afganistan i paraprijn\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb taliban\u00ebve. Regjimi aktual thjesht ka hequr \u00e7do penges\u00eb ligjore dhe shoq\u00ebrore q\u00eb organizatat humanitare, shoq\u00ebria civile afgane dhe qeveria e m\u00ebparshme kaluan dy dekada duke u p\u00ebrpjekur ti krijonin. Vajzat q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishin n\u00eb shkoll\u00eb tani jan\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb mall. Mosha minimale p\u00ebr martes\u00eb nuk ekziston. Vajzat nuk kan\u00eb asnj\u00eb mjet mbrojtjeje, asnj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues q\u00eb t\u00eb flas\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb tyre dhe asnj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb refuzuar. Ajo q\u00eb taliban\u00ebt kan\u00eb krijuar nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht shtypje. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb treg i nd\u00ebrtuar sipas interesave t\u00eb bler\u00ebsve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb transaksionet m\u00eb t\u00eb zakonshme, bler\u00ebsit jan\u00eb shpesh burra m\u00eb t\u00eb moshuar brenda t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs provinc\u00eb, ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb tashm\u00eb t\u00eb martuar, q\u00eb blejn\u00eb nj\u00eb grua t\u00eb dyt\u00eb apo t\u00eb tret\u00eb. Kjo pjes\u00eb raportohet. Ajo q\u00eb raportohet shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa q\u00eb vjen nga shtetet e Gjirit, nga Irani, nga Pakistani dhe nga komunitetet e diaspor\u00ebs afgane, burra me m\u00eb shum\u00eb burime financiare, t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb paguajn\u00eb shum\u00ebfishin e \u00e7mimit baz\u00eb prej 3,200 dollar\u00ebsh p\u00ebr vajza m\u00eb t\u00eb reja ose p\u00ebr vajza me karakteristika t\u00eb caktuara.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Studiuesit q\u00eb merren me trafikimin e qenieve njer\u00ebzore p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb kufirit Afganistan-Pakistan dhe korridorit me Iranin thon\u00eb se ky rrjet funksionon dhe se identifikimi i bler\u00ebsve nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, n\u00ebse v\u00ebrtet k\u00ebrkohen. Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb se nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkim i till\u00eb k\u00ebrkon vullnet politik, t\u00eb cilin qeverit\u00eb e rajonit duksh\u00ebm nuk e kan\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa donator\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb nuk po e kusht\u00ebzojn\u00eb as rind\u00ebrtimin dhe as angazhimin diplomatik me k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kriza e uris\u00eb e b\u00ebn edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb. Familjet q\u00eb, n\u00eb rrethana m\u00eb pak katastrofike, mund t\u00eb kishin rezistuar, po marrin tani vendime q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb zhb\u00ebhen. Nj\u00eb vajz\u00eb e shitur n\u00eb mosh\u00ebn n\u00ebnt\u00eb apo dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7are n\u00eb nj\u00eb familje tri provinca larg \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7se e humbur. Ajo nuk do t\u00eb rikthehet nga ndonj\u00eb ndryshim i ardhsh\u00ebm politik. D\u00ebmi \u00ebsht\u00eb i menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm e i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm, dhe po shkaktohet tani, k\u00ebt\u00eb muaj, n\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Gazetar\u00ebt q\u00eb raportojn\u00eb p\u00ebr kriz\u00ebn humanitare n\u00eb Afganistan nuk po e injorojn\u00eb martes\u00ebn e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve. Ajo shfaqet n\u00eb raportime. Por shpesh paraqitet si kontekst, si nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr element n\u00eb list\u00ebn e gjat\u00eb t\u00eb abuzimeve t\u00eb taliban\u00ebve, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb trajtohet si pyetja qendrore hetimore q\u00eb meriton t\u00eb jet\u00eb. Korniza e raportimit \u00ebsht\u00eb pothuajse gjithmon\u00eb e p\u00ebrqendruar te oferta se sa vajza jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshira, sa t\u00eb varfra jan\u00eb familjet dhe \u00e7far\u00eb thon\u00eb rregullat e taliban\u00ebve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
K\u00ebrkesa e vetme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb histori \u00ebsht\u00eb se kush jan\u00eb bler\u00ebsit, nga vijn\u00eb, si l\u00ebvizin parat\u00eb dhe cilat qeveri po zgjedhin t\u00eb mbyllin syt\u00eb. Ky k\u00ebrkim k\u00ebrkon burime, qasje dhe raportim q\u00eb krijon tensione diplomatike. Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebto tensione shpjegojn\u00eb pse nj\u00eb pun\u00eb e till\u00eb b\u00ebhet rrall\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Shifra prej 3,200 dollar\u00ebsh do t\u00eb qarkulloj\u00eb n\u00eb titujt e lajmeve, derisa b\u00ebhen t\u00eb ditura t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat p\u00ebr urin\u00eb. Dhe duhet t\u00eb qarkulloj\u00eb. Por nj\u00eb \u00e7mim pa nj\u00eb bler\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm statistik\u00eb. Diku, ka burra q\u00eb po b\u00ebjn\u00eb llogarit\u00eb dhe po e konsiderojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7mim t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm. Derisa ata t\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin nivel shqyrtimi si dekretet e taliban\u00ebve dhe kolapsi i ndihm\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, kjo histori do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb tregohet p\u00ebrgjysm\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n