\u201cBread and Roses\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb koleksion artikujsh i cili eksploron interesin n\u00eb rritje rreth socializmit te t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt po k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb alternativa p\u00ebr rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbje n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm historik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb shekullin XXI, vajzave dhe grave u \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar sh\u00ebrimi i kapitalizmit, pastrimi i tij dhe shp\u00ebtimi i tij nga vetvetja. Rreth vitit 2010 sistemi ekonomik ishte akoma n\u00eb kriz\u00eb. Ne ishim duke u rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbur nga nj\u00eb recesion dhe rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbja ishte e dob\u00ebt – ekonomia afatshkurt\u00ebr (gig economy) kishte ardhur dhe shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz ishin n\u00eb borxhe. Si rezultat, besimi n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn e korporatave, e cila kishte shkaktuar kriz\u00ebn, kishte humbur. Wall Street ishte ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i urryer, mir\u00ebpo edhe imazhi i Sillicon Valley p\u00ebrballej me nj\u00eb problem. P\u00ebrderisa Wall Street kishte sakrifikuar udh\u00ebheq\u00ebset e tij gra, Sillicon Valley rrall\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb kishte udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse gra. N\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e radh\u00ebs, shum\u00eb marka filluan t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb shefe gra q\u00eb t\u2019i ngjiteshin maj\u00ebs s\u00eb korporatave, t\u2019i nd\u00ebrtonin bizneset e tyre dhe t\u00eb tregonin se k\u00ebsaj radhe kapitalizmi do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb funksiononte p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ne. Kapitalizmi do t\u2019i fuqizonte grat\u00eb dhe ato do t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetonin se kapitalizmi akoma mund t\u00eb funksiononte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
K\u00ebto kompani \u201cfeministe\u201d ishin absurde. Thinx, ishte dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb, nj\u00eb mark\u00eb e t\u00eb brendshmeve rezistente ndaj menstruacioneve. Kjo kompani udh\u00ebhiqet nga nj\u00eb grua q\u00eb mendonte q\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj nga nj\u00eb pun\u00ebtore ta heq\u00eb bluz\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb zyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar shpimet n\u00eb thithkat e saj ishte fuqizim i grave. #GirlBoss ishte nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr, nj\u00eb seri televizive dhe nj\u00eb mark\u00eb e themeluar nga kompania p\u00ebr veshje Nasty Gal. M\u00eb von\u00eb, Nasty Gal ishte akuzuar n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb procesi gjyq\u00ebsor se ishte nj\u00eb \u201cvend i tmerrsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb punuar\u201d p\u00ebr punonj\u00ebset shtatz\u00ebna. Kjo akuz\u00eb u klasifikua nga kompania si \u201cshpifje\u201d. Procesi gjyq\u00ebsor ishte zgjidhur me arbitrazh. Lean In<\/em>, nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt e klas\u00ebs s\u00eb lart\u00eb, inkurajonte lexueset e tij ta mposhtnin seksizmin duke punuar pak m\u00eb tep\u00ebr para se t\u00eb merrnin pushim, t\u00eb ishin kategorike mir\u00ebpo jo k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuese, t\u00eb ishin ambicioze mir\u00ebpo jo t\u00eb rr\u00ebmbyeshme dhe gj\u00ebra t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhen n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb. Shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz nxor\u00ebn n\u00eb pah se ky lib\u00ebr ishte i dizajnuar p\u00ebr grat\u00eb t\u00eb cilat ishin n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb paguanin gra tjera t\u00eb kujdeseshin p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e tyre. Nj\u00eb kompani e quajtur Wing, kishte premtuar se nj\u00eb vend pune ku t\u00eb gjith\u00eb pun\u00ebtoret ishin gra do t\u00eb avanconte feminizmin. Kjo kompani poashtu shiste bluza me sloganet \u201cKujdes, gra n\u00eb pun\u00eb\u201d dhe \u201cLiga e grave t\u00eb pazakonta\u201d. (Stafi mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebs i \u201cWing\u201d, i intervistuar nga New York Times, <\/em>kishte pohuar se ata ishin b\u00ebr\u00eb cinik ndaj k\u00ebtij versioni feminist, i cili sipas tyre nuk i p\u00ebrfshinte ato; Kompania i kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb Times<\/em> se ata po iu \u201cp\u00ebrmbaheshin praktikave t\u00eb duhura t\u00eb pun\u00ebdh\u00ebnies\u201d). T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto pik\u00ebpamje ishin t\u00eb aplikueshme te nj\u00eb num\u00ebr shum\u00eb i vog\u00ebl i grave dhe vareshin nga pun\u00ebsimi i grave t\u00eb tjera, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat mb\u00ebshtetja n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem n\u00ebnkuptonte edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb pun\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebndomta e t\u00eb r\u00ebnda, e jo ngritje n\u00eb pozit\u00eb. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, nuk do t\u00eb kishte kapitaliz\u00ebm pa pronar\u00ebt dhe punonj\u00ebsit. Feminizmi dukej se ishte shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb kuti me \u00ebmb\u00eblsira me ngjyra pastel, n\u00eb trend, zbukuruese, n\u00eb shitje dhe me prirjen q\u00eb t\u00eb linin nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb t\u00eb barkut t\u00eb p\u00ebrzier.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto kompani ishin p\u00ebrpjekur t\u2019i p\u00ebr\u00e7onin t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat mesazhe: Kapitalizmi mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb i barabart\u00eb; \u00cbsht\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht e mundshme t\u2019i arrish pasurin\u00eb dhe suksesin; Gj\u00ebrat jan\u00eb duke funksionuar gjithher\u00eb e m\u00eb mir\u00eb – vet\u00ebm shiko t\u00eb gjitha ato gra t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb duke u p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb kapitaliz\u00ebm. Kur pabarazia kishte arritur majat n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb dhe n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb, k\u00ebto mesazhe dukeshin gjithmon\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr jasht\u00eb hapit, t\u00eb dizajnuara q\u00eb t\u2019i bindin grat\u00eb rreth premtimit kapitalist. Dukej si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje e fundit p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb kapitalizmin amerikan t\u00eb dukej se ia vlente t\u00eb shp\u00ebtohej.<\/p>\n\n\n\n P\u00ebr gjenerat\u00ebn e \u201cMillenials\u201d dhe gjenerat\u00ebn \u201cZ\u201d, k\u00ebto versione t\u00eb feminizmit jan\u00eb akoma t\u00eb pranishme. Feminizmi i korporatave nuk ka shum\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi n\u00ebse gjenerata jote ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjasa t\u00eb ket\u00eb pun\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur, sesa t\u00eb punoj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb zyre. Shum\u00eb punonj\u00ebs t\u00eb ri, n\u00eb fakt jan\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00ebvizsh\u00ebm sa i p\u00ebrket pun\u00ebve t\u00eb shkall\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt. Shum\u00eb prej tyre jan\u00eb akoma n\u00eb borxh. Dhe t\u00eb qenurit \u201cgirl boss\u201d i vetvetes nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb zgjidhje – shum\u00eb biznese t\u00eb reja d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb. Shum\u00eb vajza t\u00eb reja p\u00ebrballen me borxhe shkollore, kujdes sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor t\u00eb dob\u00ebt dhe nj\u00eb treg m\u00eb t\u00eb keq\u00ebsuar t\u00eb pun\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Si rezultat, feminizmi socialist \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rritje, duke pasqyruar edhe popullaritetin e socializmit n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi. Nj\u00eb socialist kishte fituar mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb madhe nga gra t\u00eb reja n\u00eb dy preliminaret e fundit presidenciale. Socialist\u00ebt Demokrat\u00eb t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs papritmas kan\u00eb shum\u00eb grupe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebsh feminist\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendin. Heronjt\u00eb feminist\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb po p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs si Sara Nelson, presidente e unionit t\u00eb stjuardes\u00ebve. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr politikanet m\u00eb t\u00eb shquara t\u00eb epok\u00ebs son\u00eb, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez \u00ebsht\u00eb social-demokrate krenare feministe. Kjo gjenerat\u00eb e feministeve \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak e interesuar ta paraqes kapitalizmin me fasad\u00ebn e barazis\u00eb dhe m\u00eb e interesuar ta \u00e7rr\u00ebnjos\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem nj\u00eb her\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u habitur q\u00eb feminizmi socialist \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rritje. R\u00ebnd\u00ebsia moderne e ideve socialiste i atribuohet feministeve t\u00eb cilat i kan\u00eb rishikuar dhe ringjallur ato gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dy shekujve t\u00eb fundit. Pa feminizmin socialist nuk do t\u00eb kishim koncepte si politika e identitetit (nj\u00eb term i shpikur nga feministet socialiste), mjete p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar pun\u00ebn emocionale apo p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjeguar p\u00ebrse pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt esencial t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs pandemike COVID-19 udh\u00ebhiqen nga grat\u00eb. Pavar\u00ebsisht akuzave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrdoren kund\u00ebr socialist\u00ebve, fakti q\u00eb socializmi i p\u00ebrket feministeve q\u00ebndron.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e dobishme t\u00eb fillojm\u00eb me nj\u00eb definicion t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb feminizmit socialist. bell hooks e cila shkruan rreth rac\u00ebs, socializmit dhe feminizmit argumenton n\u00eb librin e saj t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyer Teoria Feministe<\/em>: Prej Margjin\u00ebs n\u00eb Qend\u00ebr<\/em> (Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center<\/em>) se \u201cfeminizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb lufta kund\u00ebr shtypjes seksiste. Q\u00ebllimi i tij nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbej vet\u00ebm ndonj\u00eb grupi specifik t\u00eb grave, ndonj\u00eb race apo klas\u00eb t\u00eb grave.\u201d Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb stil i jet\u00ebs, nj\u00eb identitet, apo grup specifik, por nj\u00eb luft\u00eb e vazhdueshme p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund shtypjes ndaj t\u00eb gjitha grave (un\u00eb poashtu do t\u00eb shtoja personat jo-binar\u00eb dhe queer). Ky definicion p\u00ebrjashton nj\u00eb sistem, si kapitalizmi, i cili gjithmon\u00eb do t\u00eb shtyp\u00eb shumic\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u2019i sjell\u00eb dobi nj\u00eb pakice. Feministet socialiste refuzojn\u00eb shtypjen e \u00e7dokujt, k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim t\u00eb barabart\u00eb brenda institucioneve (kjo e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt me t\u00eb gjitha feministet liberale), dhe jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb perceptojn\u00eb m\u00ebnyrat specifike n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat njer\u00ebzit shfryt\u00ebzohen, si puna e papaguar, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet trupit t\u00eb tyre dhe n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet p\u00ebrbuzjes shoq\u00ebrore ndaj vlerave t\u00eb stereotipizuara si fem\u00ebrore, si kujdesi dhe ndjeshm\u00ebria. Feministet socialiste refuzojn\u00eb iden\u00eb e mot\u00ebrzimit duke favorizuar iden\u00eb e solidaritetit, me besimin se lidhjet e forta nd\u00ebrmjet feministeve socialiste nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb natyrale, por jan\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara me q\u00ebllimin e krijimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ndon\u00ebse k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur t\u00eb jepet nj\u00eb histori e plot\u00eb e feminizmit socialist, un\u00eb doja t\u00eb ofroja disa koncepte t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme rreth historis\u00eb s\u00eb koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb feminizmit socialist t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb na sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb sot. N\u00ebse d\u00ebshironi t\u00eb m\u00ebsoni m\u00eb tutje, disa persona nga Socialist\u00ebt Demokrat t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs kan\u00eb shkruar disa sillabuse dhe kan\u00eb p\u00ebrpiluar nj\u00eb list\u00eb t\u00eb leximeve. Poashtu, un\u00eb kam p\u00ebrfituar tej mase nga leximi i Kapitalit<\/em> nga Karl Marx, n\u00eb nj\u00eb grup leximi ku nuk kishte burra, k\u00ebshtu duke evituar \u201cmansplaining\u201d. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr arsyet p\u00ebrse libri \u00ebsht\u00eb i shk\u00eblqyesh\u00ebm dhe dinamik \u00ebsht\u00eb sepse u shkrua n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ku kishte organizim dhe konflikt t\u00eb madh nga shtresa pun\u00ebtore- ishte nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb e dizajnuar q\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si nj\u00eb mjet i fuqish\u00ebm p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjen socialiste t\u00eb viteve t\u00eb 1860-ta. Ky mjet ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme p\u00ebr rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritje n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrshtatet situatave t\u00eb reja. Socializmi nuk do t\u00eb ishte forca relevante dhe jetike e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb sot, pa evolucionin e tij feminist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cAta thon\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb dashuri. Ne themi se \u00ebsht\u00eb pun\u00eb e papaguar. Ata e quajn\u00eb ftoht\u00ebsi seksuale. Ne e quajm\u00eb shmangie. \u00c7do abort spontan \u00ebsht\u00eb aksident n\u00eb pun\u00eb.\u201d – Silvia Federici, \u201cWages Against Housework,\u201d 1975<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n N\u00ebse ke d\u00ebgjuar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb termet pun\u00eb kujdesi <\/em>apo pun\u00eb emocionale, <\/em>at\u00ebher\u00eb ke d\u00ebgjuar jehonat e l\u00ebvizjes p\u00ebr \u201cPag\u00eb P\u00ebr Pun\u00ebt e Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d, e cila filloi n\u00eb Italim\u00eb 1972. Grat\u00eb e p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb L\u00ebvizjen e Pun\u00ebs filluan ta kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb vet shtypjen e tyre, duke theksuar se shoq\u00ebria do t\u00eb d\u00ebshtonte pa pun\u00ebt sht\u00ebpiake t\u00eb kryera nga grat\u00eb, pun\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb nuk perceptoheshin si pun\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta, por thjesht si t\u00eb natyrshme dhe \u201cnga dashuria.\u201d Ato k\u00ebrkuan paga, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb t\u00eb pranoheshin si pun\u00eb, <\/em>dhe rrjedhimisht q\u00eb t\u2019i refuzonin ato. Analiza e prodhuar nga k\u00ebto gra mbetet relevante dhe e dobishme edhe sot, dhe mendimtar\u00ebt si Arlie Hochschild kan\u00eb zhvilluar m\u00ebnyra precize t\u00eb t\u00eb menduarit se \u00e7ka do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb paguhesh p\u00ebr t\u00eb buz\u00ebqeshur. N\u00eb thelb, organizueset e \u201cPag\u00eb P\u00ebr Pun\u00eb t\u00eb Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d ndihmuan ta shtyjn\u00eb socializmin drejt nj\u00eb analize e cila nuk ndaloi tek portat e fabrikave dhe e cila ka d\u00ebshmuar t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e dobishme n\u00eb nj\u00eb epoke ku dominon ekonomia e sh\u00ebrbimeve e cila nuk k\u00ebrkon vet\u00ebm pun\u00eb, por sharm, fleksibilitet, dhe hare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb identitetit<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cN\u00ebse grat\u00eb e zeza do t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb lira, kjo do t\u00eb thoshte se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt do t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb lir\u00eb sepse liria jon\u00eb k\u00ebrkon shkat\u00ebrrimin e t\u00eb gjitha sistemeve shtyp\u00ebse.\u201d – Combahee River Collective Statement, 1977<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n Shumica e njer\u00ebzve nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb informuar se termi politika e identitetit <\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb zhvilluar nga nj\u00eb grup socialist, Combahee River Collective (CRC), i p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga organizuese dhe mendimtare t\u00eb zeza lezbike. Deklarata e themelimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij kolektivi mbetet nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr pjes\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb analiz\u00ebs feministe socialiste q\u00eb kemi deri m\u00eb sot. Historiania dhe organizuesja Keeanga – Yamahtta Taylor, n\u00eb librin e saj fantastik mbi deklarat\u00ebn, e shpjegon m\u00eb s\u00eb miri: \u201c Grat\u00eb e CRC nuk definuan \u2018politik\u00ebn e identitetit\u2019 si p\u00ebrjashtuese ku vet\u00ebm ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt p\u00ebrjetojn\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj t\u00eb shtypjes mund ta luftojn\u00eb at\u00eb. Poashtu, ato nuk e parafytyruan politik\u00ebn e identitetit si nj\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb rr\u00ebmbyer pelerin\u00ebn e \u2018m\u00eb t\u00eb shtypurve\u2019. Ato e pan\u00eb si nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb e cila validonte eksperiencat e grave t\u00eb zeza, ku n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb krijohej mund\u00ebsia e p\u00ebrfshirjes aktive t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb politik\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr to. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, Deklarata e CRC ishte e qart\u00eb n\u00eb thirrjet e saj p\u00ebr solidaritet si m\u00ebnyra e vetme p\u00ebr grat\u00eb e zeza t\u00eb fitonin n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet e tyre. Solidariteti nuk n\u00ebnkuptonte n\u00ebnshtrimin e v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsive tua p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar dik\u00eb tjet\u00ebr; ishte p\u00ebrcaktuar n\u00eb forcimin e angazhimeve politike nga grupet tjera duke i shtyr\u00eb ata t\u00eb njohin se si v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb e natyrave t\u00eb ndryshme ishin t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura me nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn n\u00ebn kapitaliz\u00ebm\u201d. Ky vizion i socializmit ku pikat tona specifike t\u00eb shtypjes, b\u00ebhen pika t\u00eb forc\u00ebs n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet aleancave tona, transformon m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e kuptimit se si solidariteti mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb dhe duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb moment kur e djathta nuk ka qen\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet e saj q\u00eb t\u00eb na ndaj\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet racizmit, seksizmit, homofobis\u00eb, ksenofobis\u00eb, vizioni i CRC-s\u00eb sa i p\u00ebrket politik\u00ebs s\u00eb identitetit, jep vizionin e nj\u00eb unifikimi kreativ p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin kemi nevoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Zhvler\u00ebsimi i pun\u00ebs s\u00eb grave<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cIshte nj\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur m\u00ebsuesit n\u00eb komunitet nderoheshin dhe tani shpeshher\u00eb demonizohen\u2026 Akoma ekziston nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim paternalist nd\u00ebrmjet \u2018Dua t\u2019i shp<\/em>\u00ebtoj grat\u00eb\u2019 e kombinuar n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr me \u2018Le t\u2019i presim n\u00eb gjunj\u00eb.\u2019\u201d – Karen Lewis, ish-kryetare e Unionit t\u00eb M\u00ebsuesve n\u00eb \u00c7ikago, Dissent magazine <\/em> <\/p>\n\n\n\n Ashtu si\u00e7 kan\u00eb theksuar korrespondentet e pun\u00ebs feministe si Sarah Jaffe, profesionet si m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebnia dhe infermieria jan\u00eb vazhdimisht t\u00eb n\u00ebn-paguara dhe n\u00ebn sulm nga politikan\u00ebt t\u00eb cil\u00ebt d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u00eb pakojn\u00eb buxhetet. K\u00ebto profesione fillimisht u cil\u00ebsuan si fem\u00ebrore, me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb paguheshin m\u00eb pak – m\u00ebsueset mund t\u00eb paguheshin m\u00eb pak se sa m\u00ebsuesit. Kjo strategji u reflektua edhe n\u00ebp\u00ebr fabrika n\u00eb vitet e 1900-ta, ku grat\u00eb e reja u soll\u00ebn p\u00ebr pun\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb. Sot, grat\u00eb t\u00eb cilat punojn\u00eb n\u00eb sektorin publik, akuzohen nga Demokrat\u00ebt dhe Republikan\u00ebt p\u00ebr neglizhimin e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre. Sot, ne po shohim pasojat e zhvler\u00ebsimit shum\u00eb dekad\u00ebsh t\u00eb infermiereve. Ata kan\u00eb pohuar shum\u00eb her\u00eb se sistemi i sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00ebnfinancohet, infermier\u00ebt mbingarkohen dhe respekti i ul\u00ebt ndaj pun\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre rrezikon pacient\u00ebt. Grat\u00eb jan\u00eb punonj\u00ebset me m\u00eb pak burime si pun\u00ebtore esenciale gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs kund\u00ebr pandemis\u00eb COVID-19.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sot, feminizmi socialist mund t\u00eb na ndihmoj\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb nj\u00eb vizion shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00ebs p\u00ebrtej kapitalizmit. Kriza COVID-19 ka ekspozuar sa pak kapitalizmit i intereson jeta, sa leht\u00eb administrator\u00ebt e tij flakin tutje jet\u00ebn e t\u00eb pambrojturve. Kund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj, ne mundemi t\u00eb rivler\u00ebsojm\u00eb vet jet\u00ebn, duke paraqitur kujdesin p\u00ebr nj\u00ebri-tjetrin para p\u00ebrfitimit. P\u00ebrderisa shteti ka pak\u00ebsuar sh\u00ebrbimet sociale – si kujdesin sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor, kujdesin p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00eb, mir\u00ebqenien – grat\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyre jo proporcionale ballafaqohen me pasojat, duke punuar n\u00ebp\u00ebr pozita t\u00eb cilat zakonisht paguhen m\u00eb pak se sa pozitat t\u00eb cilat mbahen nga burrat. Ky realitet \u00ebsht\u00eb i paq\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm. Grat\u00eb mund t\u00eb absorbojn\u00eb d\u00ebmet e kapitalizmit vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb limituar. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye po shohim greva feministe nga Argjentina e deri n\u00eb Poland\u00eb e Shtetet e Bashkuara. Ne kemi par\u00eb infermiere duke protestuar dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb duke u kujdesur p\u00ebr t\u00eb s\u00ebmur\u00ebt. Kemi par\u00eb m\u00ebsues duke protestuar jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr vet\u00ebn e tyre, por edhe p\u00ebr nx\u00ebn\u00ebsit dhe komunitetet e tyre. Prej koh\u00ebsh kemi qen\u00eb t\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb luftojm\u00eb n\u00eb dy fronte. Tani po zgjedhim vet betejat tona. <\/p>\n\n\n\n E p\u00ebrktheu: Latra Dema\u00e7i<\/p>\n\n\n\nShtyrja p\u00ebr paga p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb <\/strong><\/h5>\n\n\n\n