Semestrin e kaluar, u k\u00ebrkova student\u00ebve t\u00eb mi t\u00eb definonin \u201cfeminizmin\u201d. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb e lidh\u00ebn me fjal\u00ebn \u201cbarazi\u201d, \u201cbarazi p\u00ebr grat\u00eb\u201d, \u201cbarazi p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha gjinit\u00eb\u201d, \u201cbarazi n\u00eb vendin e pun\u00ebs\u201d. Por, klasa ra n\u00eb heshtje kur i pyeta se \u00e7far\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte barazia p\u00ebr ta dhe si shfaqej ajo. Fjala barazi \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e zbraz\u00ebt duke n\u00ebnvizuar nj\u00eb problem t\u00eb madh definimi krahas l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb grave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Student\u00ebt e mi e dinin q\u00eb kuotat e rrepta t\u00eb pun\u00ebsimit nuk jan\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjidhje afatgjat\u00eb p\u00ebr seksizmin, nj\u00eblloj si\u00e7 kuptuan se barazia sipas ligjit nuk siguron trajtim t\u00eb barabart\u00eb t\u00eb grave. N\u00eb qytetin e New York-ut, ligj\u00ebrisht grat\u00eb mund t\u00eb ecin lakuriq n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e sip\u00ebrme, por asnj\u00eb nga studentet e mia nuk than\u00eb se do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitonin nga kjo barazi ligjore, pasi q\u00eb ato nuk donin t\u00eb p\u00ebrballeshin me ngacmime ose sulme seksuale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb epok\u00ebn e feminizmit t\u00eb t\u00eb famshm\u00ebve dhe burrave performues feminist\u00eb, ideja se feminizmi ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me \u201cbarazin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha gjinit\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb n\u00eb mod\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebr mua asgj\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb mizogjene sesa definimi i feminizmit si barazi p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, gjoja se t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrosh nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje, politik\u00eb apo aktiviz\u00ebm vet\u00ebm tek grat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb tabu. Ose shum\u00eb e rrezikshme. P\u00ebrgjigja automatike refuzuese \u201ct\u00eb gjitha jet\u00ebt kan\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi\u201d p\u00ebr t\u2019i p\u00ebrqendruar grat\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritje t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb feminizmit, besoj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shkak i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm se pse ka ngecur revolucioni gjinor. Ne nuk mund t\u00eb adresojm\u00eb ose t\u2019i japim fund shtypjes sistemike t\u00eb grave n\u00ebse refuzojm\u00eb t\u00eb pozicionohemi si gra n\u00eb at\u00eb luft\u00eb. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb rishqyrtojm\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptojm\u00eb kur flasim p\u00ebr barazi dhe pushtet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ideja se feminizmi ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me \u201cbarazin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha gjinit\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb n\u00eb mod\u00eb. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kemi sukses, feminizmi duhet t\u00eb punoj\u00eb brenda vet\u00eb sistemeve q\u00eb grat\u00eb duan t\u2019i ndryshojn\u00eb. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb grat\u00eb duhet t\u00eb rishqyrtojn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien e tyre me pushtetin dhe strukturat e tij.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Feminizmi n\u00eb epok\u00ebn dixhitale e ka pozicionuar veten n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me pushtetin, qoft\u00eb i shfaqur p\u00ebrmes mantras s\u00eb hashtag-ut #Resist, apo p\u00ebrmes gjendjes s\u00eb \u201cfuqis\u00eb s\u00eb gruas\u201d. Grat\u00eb ndihen m\u00eb rehat me protestimin dhe \u201crezistenc\u00ebn\u201d sesa t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqin, sepse udh\u00ebheqja k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb t\u00eb punojm\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb reformuar vet\u00eb strukturat q\u00eb na shtypin. Pushteti \u00ebsht\u00eb kompleks, por n\u00eb vetvete nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb negativ dhe nuk ka pse t\u2019i dor\u00ebzohet zot\u00ebrimit t\u00eb patriarkatit. Po citoj filozofen feministe Elizabeth Grosz, \u201cN\u00ebse feminist\u00ebt besojn\u00eb se q\u00ebllimi i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb braktisin pushtetin, at\u00ebher\u00eb ata tashm\u00eb kan\u00eb humbur loj\u00ebn nga e cila nuk mund t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqen.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Lidhja e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb e feminizmit me pushtetin \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb grat\u00eb konservatore si Kellyanne Conway e theksojn\u00eb kur e p\u00ebrqeshin si nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje \u201ckund\u00ebr burrave\u201d e cila p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga gra t\u00eb cilat \u201ckan\u00eb problem me pushtetin\u201d. Narrativa se feminizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201ckund\u00ebr burrave\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb keqinterpretim i q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm q\u00eb synon t\u00eb d\u00ebmtoj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen. Por, Conway dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebzhgojn\u00eb lidhjen antitetike t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes n\u00eb raport me pushtetin. A \u00ebsht\u00eb pushteti n\u00eb vetvete patriarkal? Si e marrin dhe e p\u00ebrdorin grat\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pushtet? P\u00ebr ta shtyr\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen edhe m\u00eb tej, a \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimi kulturor pseudo-feminist rreth \u201cfuqizimit\u201d nj\u00eb njohje e d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb grave p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet pushtet? Sepse nuk t\u00eb rastis\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebgjosh burrat duke folur p\u00ebr fuqizim ose t\u00eb ndihen t\u00eb fuqizuar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb kan\u00eb pushtet nuk \u00ebnd\u00ebrrojn\u00eb p\u00ebr fuqizim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb filozofi, liria e mendimit \u00ebsht\u00eb forma p\u00ebrfundimtare e \u00e7lirimit. N\u00eb kontekstin e pushtetit, t\u00eb imagjinuarit se si ne mendojm\u00eb mbi pushtetin \u00ebsht\u00eb hapi i par\u00eb themelor p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7rr\u00ebnjosur shtypjen sistematike t\u00eb grave. Si forc\u00eb, pushteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb thelb seksist. Por historikisht \u00ebsht\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuar<\/p>\n\n\n\n
p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsuar shtypjen e grave. N\u00ebse e kuptojm\u00eb q\u00eb pushteti nuk njeh gjini dhe q\u00eb grat\u00eb mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb pushtetshme, at\u00ebher\u00eb ne mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysim narrativat tradicionale q\u00eb kan\u00eb vendosur feminizmin n\u00eb nj\u00eb cik\u00ebl rrotullues p\u00ebr 100 vitet e fundit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
P\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb politikisht efikas, feminizmi varet para s\u00eb gjithash nga nj\u00eb ri-kalibrim i mendjeve t\u00eb grave. Feminizmi k\u00ebrkon liri, liri intelektuale dhe rrjedhimisht k\u00ebrkon liri trupore. (Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse un\u00eb besoj se nuk mund t\u00eb jesh kund\u00ebr zgjedhjes p\u00ebr abort dhe ta quash veten feminist). Gjithashtu, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra se si feminizmi filloi si l\u00ebvizje n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit XX, i dalluesh\u00ebm nga objektivi i vet\u00ebm i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve sufragjente (p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar lirin\u00eb e grave p\u00ebr vot\u00eb) n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje kritike t\u00eb mbahet mend se p\u00ebrderisa t\u00eb gjitha feministet mbrojt\u00ebn t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs, jo t\u00eb gjitha sufragjentet ishin feministe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Si forc\u00eb, pushteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb thelb seksist. Por, \u00ebsht\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuar historikisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsuar shtypjen e grave. Argumenti im \u00ebsht\u00eb se pushteti \u00ebsht\u00eb lidhja q\u00eb mungon midis shpres\u00ebs dhe ndryshimit. Pra, si mundemi ne si feminist\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqemi t\u00eb ri-imagjinojm\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ri-orientohemi pozitivisht drejt pushtetit kur p\u00ebr kaq shum\u00eb koh\u00eb jemi kusht\u00ebzuar ta refuzojm\u00eb at\u00eb, kur ndihemi m\u00eb rehat t\u00eb rezistojm\u00eb sesa t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqim n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bot\u00eb?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
S\u00eb pari, nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje e suksesshme e grave n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb aleate me 99%-shin dhe 1%-shin, me grat\u00eb e zeza dhe grat\u00eb e bardha, grat\u00eb heteroseksuale dhe grat\u00eb lezbike. \u00c7do aktiviz\u00ebm q\u00eb i v\u00eb grat\u00eb kund\u00ebr nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb feminiz\u00ebm, sepse mot\u00ebrzimi \u00ebsht\u00eb mjeti yn\u00eb m\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm. Edhe burrat n\u00eb pushtet e din\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse ndarja e grave dhe shfaqja e p\u00ebrplasjeve n\u00eb media \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e sigurt p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbajtur grat\u00eb t\u00eb shtypura. P\u00ebr aq koh\u00eb q\u00eb grat\u00eb luftojn\u00eb me nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn, ato nuk po luftojn\u00eb kund\u00ebr strukturave m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb i mbajn\u00eb ato t\u00eb shtypura.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
S\u00eb dyti, ne duhet ta p\u00ebrqafojm\u00eb feminizmin si nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje politike dhe l\u00ebvizje e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore, si aktiviz\u00ebm nga brenda dhe jasht\u00eb institucioneve. Marshet dhe protestat p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00eb taktik\u00eb n\u00eb strategjin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb shtypjeve sistemike q\u00eb prekin grat\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa ndryshimi i politikave q\u00eb adresojn\u00eb paragjykimet e pavet\u00ebdijshme n\u00eb vendin e pun\u00ebs dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtja e t\u00eb drejtave jan\u00eb taktik\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. N\u00eb kemi nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb dyja taktikat. Kemi nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr taktikat e rezistenc\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebr taktikat operacionale p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar ndryshime n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb sistemin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7do l\u00ebvizje e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb zhvillohet, ajo duhet t\u00eb ushqehet nga ide dhe vizion. Politika duhet t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrohet dhe paraprihet nga nj\u00eb zgjim etik brenda individ\u00ebve. Strategjia e vetme historike e feminizmit q\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb imperativ\u00eb filozofike \u00ebsht\u00eb kultivimi i mendimit t\u00eb pavarur. Mendimi i pavarur i fituar p\u00ebrmes arsimimit rigoroz \u00ebsht\u00eb bastioni i liberalizmit dhe n\u00ebnvizon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb specifike parimin e liris\u00eb. Nga Mary Wollstonecraft n\u00eb shekullin XVIII dhe J.S Mill n\u00eb shekullin XIX, Simone de Beauvoir n\u00eb shekullin XX deri tek Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie n\u00eb shekullin XXI, liria e grave fillon me arsimimin e tyre, i cili jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb institucional.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Vet\u00ebdija e plot\u00eb e grave p\u00ebr pozicionin e tyre n\u00eb bot\u00eb, m\u00ebnyra se si lokalizohet historia e shtypjes n\u00eb trupat e tyre, ndodh\u00eb kur ato kuptojn\u00eb se kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb pav\u00ebmendshme p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs. \u201cNxitja e jet\u00ebs s\u00eb re, zgjimi i preksh\u00ebm i nd\u00ebrgjegjes\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra se si nj\u00eb shkrimtar raportoi p\u00ebr iden\u00eb e re t\u00eb feminizmit n\u00eb nj\u00eb artikull t\u00eb vitit 1913 p\u00ebr Harper\u2019s Weekly. Ky zgjim p\u00ebrshkruan procesin e t\u00eb m\u00ebsuarit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Politika duhet t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrohet dhe paraprihet nga nj\u00eb zgjim etik brenda individ\u00ebve. M\u00eb pak se nj\u00eb shekull pasi J.S. Mill shkroi se infantilizmi intelektual i grave ishte nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr ti shtypur ato, me \u00e7\u2019rast Simone de Beauvior katalogoi \u201csi grat\u00eb m\u00ebsohen t\u00eb supozojn\u00eb gjendjen e saj\u201d t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtrimit n\u00eb trajektoren ekzistenciale feministe, n\u00eb Seksin e Dyt\u00eb (1949). \u00cbsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht Beauviour ajo q\u00eb frym\u00ebzoi feministe t\u00eb panum\u00ebrta amerikane, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Audre Lorde, e cila citoi feministen franceze n\u00eb fjalimin<\/p>\n\n\n\n
e saj t\u00eb famsh\u00ebm \u201cThe Master\u2019s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master\u2019s House.\u201d Sepse, p\u00ebrdorimi i mjeteve dhe gjuh\u00ebs pa menduar dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo-kritike, \u201ckurr\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb na mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb ndryshime t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta\u201d paralajm\u00ebroi Lorde.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Mendimet e Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie rreth m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si kusht\u00ebzimet historike shoq\u00ebrore ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb psikologjin\u00eb e mendjes jan\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme me ato t\u00eb shkruara nga Beauvoir. N\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhjen e saj \u201cWe Should All Be Feminists) 2014, e cila u popullarizua n\u00eb k\u00ebng\u00ebn e Beyonce-s \u201cFlawless\u201d, Adichie poashtu shpjegon kushtet sociale t\u00eb grave: \u201cNe i m\u00ebsojm\u00eb vajzat si t\u00eb ngurren.\u201d Nj\u00eblloj si Beauvoir dhe feministet para saj, ajo e gjen zgjidhjen n\u00eb thyerjen e zinxhirit t\u00eb shtypjes n\u00eb mendje dhe konkretisht p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb nj\u00eb ri-trajnimi t\u00eb mendjes. \u201cAjo q\u00eb ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebndrimi yn\u00eb, mend\u00ebsia jon\u00eb\u201d, pohon Adichie n\u00eb shtjellimin e saj se si gjinia p\u00ebrshkruhet si moral. \u201cProblemi me gjinin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se p\u00ebrshkruan se si duhet t\u00eb jemi sesa t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se si jemi.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Feminizmi si politik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje mes njer\u00ebzve, por si etik\u00eb fillon si nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje brenda vetes. Un\u00eb mendoj se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pika nga e cila duhet t\u00eb fillojm\u00eb: brenda vetes. Presioni shoq\u00ebror dhe konfromiteti nuk jan\u00eb cil\u00ebsi t\u00eb mendimit t\u00eb pavarur por jan\u00eb shenja t\u00eb rrezikshme t\u00eb fashizmit dhe r\u00ebnies kulturore. N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb marrim p\u00ebrkufizimin e feminizmit si nj\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, ne duhet t\u00eb pyesim se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb feminiz\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shekullin e ri. Ne duhet t\u00eb v\u00ebm\u00eb n\u00eb dyshim kuptimin e fuqizimit dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb punojm\u00eb p\u00ebr ta g\u00ebrryer at\u00eb tek t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Ne duhet t\u00eb v\u00ebm\u00eb n\u00eb dyshim barazin\u00eb dhe n\u00ebse nuk duhet t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ideal t\u00eb d\u00ebshiruar me at\u00eb t\u00eb liris\u00eb. Ne duhet t\u00eb v\u00ebm\u00eb n\u00eb dyshim impulsin p\u00ebr t\u00eb decentralizuar grat\u00eb. Ne duhet t\u00eb imagjinojm\u00eb se si duket feminizmi n\u00eb veprim, n\u00eb politik\u00eb dhe n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Dhe vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb ne duhet t\u00eb zhvillojm\u00eb strategji p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur ato q\u00ebllime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sepse e ardhmja e ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb grave varet nga kjo.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Marcie Bianco<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n E p\u00ebrktheu:\u00a0Greta Avdyli<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tekstin origjinal mund ta gjeni n\u00eb: https:\/\/finance.yahoo.com\/news\/gender-revolution-stalled-because-feminists-133451081.html <\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":3010,"template":"","class_list":["post-3009","lexo-post","type-lexo-post","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\n