{"id":863,"date":"2021-03-04T11:29:02","date_gmt":"2021-03-04T10:29:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/qika.org\/?post_type=lexo-post&p=863"},"modified":"2021-03-09T14:37:21","modified_gmt":"2021-03-09T13:37:21","slug":"feminizmi-dhe-revolucioni-e-kaluara-dhe-e-ardhmja","status":"publish","type":"lexo-post","link":"https:\/\/qika.org\/en\/lexo-post\/feminizmi-dhe-revolucioni-e-kaluara-dhe-e-ardhmja\/","title":{"rendered":"Feminizmi dhe revolucioni: E kaluara dhe e ardhmja"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Pse duhet t\u00eb kalojm\u00eb p\u00ebrtej nj\u00eb politike q\u00eb e sheh feminizmin si nj\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb grave kund\u00ebr shtypjes nga burrat te nj\u00eb politik\u00eb solidariteti q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t’i jap\u00eb fund t\u00eb gjitha formave t\u00eb shtypjes<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 1970, si nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb integrale e feminizmit “t\u00eb val\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb”, marksist-feminist\u00ebt k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00ebn t\u00eb pranonin q\u00eb patriarkalizmi dhe kapitalizmi ishin sisteme shtyp\u00ebse t\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurura: \u00e7lirimi nuk mund t\u00eb arrihej pa kap\u00ebrcyer k\u00ebto dy k\u00ebto sisteme. Nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e thjesht\u00eb e identitetit t\u00eb gruas ose nj\u00eb politik\u00eb marksiste e ndonj\u00eb klase specifike t\u00eb nj\u00eb revolucioni t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore nuk do t\u00eb mjaftonte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Megjithat\u00eb, s\u00eb shpejti, ne dhe feminist\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb u sfiduam nga nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjeruar m\u00eb tej lentet tona. V\u00ebshtrimi q\u00eb identitetet e gjinis\u00eb, klas\u00ebs, rac\u00ebs, seksualitetit, komb\u00ebsis\u00eb, etj., jan\u00eb reciprokisht p\u00ebrcaktuese i dha shkas nj\u00eb koncepti t\u00eb ri: nd\u00ebrsektorialitetit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Njohja e nd\u00ebrsektorialitetit kishte nj\u00eb efekt t\u00eb thell\u00eb n\u00eb marksiz\u00ebm-feminizmin dhe n\u00eb organizimin feminist n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi. Politika e identitetit mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ishte nd\u00ebrtuar si rryma kryesore ashtu edhe marksist-feminizmi – kuptimi se grat\u00eb shtypen, nga dhe p\u00ebrball\u00eb burrave – ishte p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcente forma t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb shtypjes q\u00eb dallojn\u00eb dhe shtresojn\u00eb p\u00ebrvojat e grave. Por ky projekt ishte nisur p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar. Injorimi i k\u00ebtyre sistemeve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb shtypjes arriti n\u00eb privilegjimin e p\u00ebrvojave dhe nevojave t\u00eb grave t\u00eb bardha, heteroseksuale, veriore, t\u00eb klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme dhe grave profesioniste, nd\u00ebrsa injoronte m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si l\u00ebvizja feministe po riprodhonte klas\u00ebn, rac\u00eb-etni, veri-jug dhe forma t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb.  P\u00ebr shkak se grat\u00eb shtypen jo vet\u00ebm nga gjinia, por edhe nga raca, klasa, seksualiteti, komb\u00ebsia dhe dominimi i natyr\u00ebs – k\u00ebto ndryshime shfaqen, diferencohen dhe ndajn\u00eb grat\u00eb kur bashkohemi si feminist\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebr\u00e7arja e feminizmit q\u00eb karakterizoi “val\u00ebn e tret\u00eb” b\u00ebri q\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb besonin se feminizmi po vdiste ose kishte vdekur. Sidoqoft\u00eb, feminizmi nuk vdiq. P\u00ebrkundrazi, p\u00ebrmes sinkronis\u00eb me l\u00ebvizjet e tjera shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb identitet, po shfaqet nj\u00eb form\u00eb e re dhe m\u00eb komplekse e politik\u00ebs, e cila nd\u00ebrtohet dhe tejkalon politik\u00ebn e identitetit: “politika e solidaritetit”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ta themi thjesht, rruga p\u00ebr t\u00eb dal\u00eb nga sfidat e paraqitura nga nd\u00ebrsekorialiteti p\u00ebr feminist\u00ebt, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht marksist-feminist\u00ebt, ka qen\u00eb zgjerimi i praktik\u00ebs son\u00eb t\u00eb feminizmit. Feminist\u00ebt kan\u00eb zbuluar se nuk mund t’i sjellin grat\u00eb s\u00eb bashku p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar p\u00ebr \u00e7lirimin ton\u00eb n\u00ebse nuk njohim dhe nuk k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb gjithashtu t\u00eb zhdukim format e tjera t\u00eb shtypjes me t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrballen grat\u00eb, si brenda l\u00ebvizjes son\u00eb ashtu edhe n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Ne duhet t\u00eb arrijm\u00eb prej nj\u00eb politike q\u00eb e sheh feminizmin si nj\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb grave kund\u00ebr shtypjes nga burrat te nj\u00eb politik\u00eb solidariteti q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t’i jap\u00eb fund t\u00eb gjitha formave t\u00eb shtypjes – patriarkalizmit, racizmit, klasizmit, homofobis\u00eb, neokolonializmit, speciecizmit, etj. – nga l\u00ebvizjet tona, ekonomia dhe shoq\u00ebria jon\u00eb. Kjo politik\u00eb e solidaritetit ka potencialin p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00eb njer\u00ebzit s\u00eb bashku nga t\u00eb gjitha pabarazit\u00eb me q\u00ebllimin e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb dekonstruktimit t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha formave t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb. Politika e solidaritetit \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvilluar edhe n\u00eb l\u00ebvizjet e tjera shoq\u00ebrore, pasi ato p\u00ebrballen me pap\u00ebrshtatshm\u00ebrit\u00eb e nj\u00eb pamjeje nj\u00ebdimensionale dhe p\u00ebrplasen me nd\u00ebrsektorialitetin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nga politika e solidaritetit n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb e solidaritetit<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sfida e nd\u00ebrsektorialitetit e ka \u00e7uar feminizmin dhe l\u00ebvizjet e tjera progresive shoq\u00ebrore, n\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb kund\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha pabarazive dhe shtypjeve sistematike. Politika e solidaritetit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mjet i fuqish\u00ebm p\u00ebr transformimin ekonomik dhe shoq\u00ebror sepse i jep \u00e7do praktike dhe institucioni shoq\u00ebror nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim kritik i cili percepton dhe hedh posht\u00eb pabarazit\u00eb e \u00e7do lloji. Ky v\u00ebshtrim mund t\u00eb mobilizoj\u00eb njer\u00ebzit s\u00eb bashku rreth \u00e7do problemi t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb shoq\u00ebror, nga nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb nd\u00ebrsektoriale. Nj\u00eb shembull i shk\u00eblqyesh\u00ebm i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb solidaritetit feminist \u00ebsht\u00eb l\u00ebvizja Black Lives Matter<\/em>, e filluar nga tre gra afro-amerikane, dhe e p\u00ebrkushtuar p\u00ebr t’i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund dhun\u00ebs shtet\u00ebrore kund\u00ebr njer\u00ebzve afro-amerikan\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa pohon gjithashtu nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb t\u00eb gruas dhe njer\u00ebzve transgjinor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Politika e solidaritetit \u00e7on natyrsh\u00ebm n\u00eb kritik\u00eb sistemike. Nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsimi se si shtypjet lidhen me nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn n\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e nj\u00eb personi, ose n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb praktik\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore ose institucion, evoluon n\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb m\u00ebnyrave sistematike q\u00eb praktikat dhe institucionet shtyp\u00ebse bashkohen dhe bashk\u00ebveprojn\u00eb brenda nj\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsie ekonomike dhe shoq\u00ebrore. P\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjen Black Lives Matter<\/em>, p\u00ebr shembull, rezistenca kritike ndaj brutalitetit t\u00eb policis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb kritik\u00eb ndaj sistemit shkollor dhe kompleksit industrial t\u00eb burgjeve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hapi tjet\u00ebr dhe kritik q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb merret n\u00eb zhvillimin e politik\u00ebs feministe (dhe t\u00eb tjerave) t\u00eb solidaritetit \u00ebsht\u00eb bashkimi rreth nj\u00eb vizioni pozitiv p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen dhe nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur atje. Nj\u00eb vizion i till\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb m\u00ebnyra se si feminist\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt q\u00eb praktikojn\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb solidariteti mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihen konkretisht n\u00eb procesin e ndryshimeve sistemike, n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e tyre, mu k\u00ebtu dhe tani.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pa nj\u00eb vizion gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs t\u00eb transformimit sistemik, l\u00ebvizja feministe n\u00eb SH.B.A. ka tentuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohet n\u00eb k\u00ebrkesat p\u00ebr mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb barabarta brenda sistemit mbizot\u00ebrues, t\u00eb tilla si fitimi i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit n\u00eb pozicione n\u00ebp\u00ebr hierarkin\u00eb ekonomike t\u00eb monopolizuar m\u00eb par\u00eb nga burrat.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Duke vepruar k\u00ebshtu, feminizmi zvog\u00eblohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje q\u00eb merr rregullat themelore t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb son\u00eb kapitaliste si\u00e7 jepen dhe p\u00ebrcakton shtypjen e grave vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kushtet e diskriminimit n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb pun\u00ebtore dhe munges\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave riprodhuese. N\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq, kjo qasje e redukton feminizmin n\u00eb “qasje n\u00eb vendimmarrje” me an\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs nj\u00eb pakic\u00eb e grave fiton qasje n\u00eb pozicionet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta, pothuajse gjithmon\u00eb duke b\u00ebr\u00eb gj\u00ebra ashtu si i b\u00ebjn\u00eb burrat. Edhe kur shtojm\u00eb diskriminimin racor dhe klasor n\u00eb p\u00ebrzierje, p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar kryq\u00ebzimin e grave dhe p\u00ebrqendrohemi p\u00ebr shembull tek grat\u00eb me ngjyr\u00eb q\u00eb fitojn\u00eb hyrjen n\u00eb pozicione artizanale m\u00eb t\u00eb paguara, ne p\u00ebrs\u00ebri marrim struktur\u00ebn themelore t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb. Kjo struktur\u00eb d\u00ebshton grat\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00ebnyra kryesore, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb pagat e varf\u00ebris\u00eb t\u00eb marra nga grat\u00eb n\u00eb fund t\u00eb hierarkis\u00eb ekonomike; shfryt\u00ebzimi dhe vart\u00ebsia e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb papaguar t\u00eb kujdesit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb an\u00ebtar t\u00eb familjes; organizimi i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb prodhimit rreth fitimit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pakic\u00eb pronar\u00ebsh; dhe shkat\u00ebrrimi e ekosistemit ton\u00eb n\u00eb proces – t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto b\u00ebhen n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb plot\u00ebsohen nevojat e grave dhe familjeve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, nj\u00eb vizion tjet\u00ebr i transformimit feminist, i cili kritikon dhe kap\u00ebrcen mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e barabarta dhe k\u00ebrkon transformimin ekonomik sistematik, \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur dhe po fiton vrullin: l\u00ebvizja e ekonomis\u00eb solidare. Kjo l\u00ebvizje n\u00eb rritje u shfaq n\u00eb vitet 1990, si n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb dhe n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn Latine, dhe u p\u00ebrhap n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn p\u00ebrmes l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb Forumit Social Bot\u00ebror, duke u mbivendosur me l\u00ebvizjen e Ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb Re, Sumak Kawsay \/ Buen Vivir dhe l\u00ebvizjen e Ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb Komunitetit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kuadri i ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb solidaritetit identifikon praktikat dhe institucionet \u00e7lirimtare ekonomike dhe institucionet tashm\u00eb ekzistuese brenda ekonomive t\u00eb tregut t\u00eb mbizot\u00ebruara nga kapitalizmi dhe i trajton ato si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb “ekonomie solidare” n\u00eb zhvillim. Kriteret themelore p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfshirjen n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb solidare jan\u00eb vlerat e mish\u00ebruara nga praktika ekonomike ose institucioni. Lista e vlerave t\u00eb solidaritetit p\u00ebrfshin bashk\u00ebpunimin, barazin\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha dimensionet, demokracin\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebse politike dhe ekonomike, q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe diversitetin e pluralizmin. Kuadri pranon q\u00eb \u00e7do praktik\u00eb ose institucion i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatje e p\u00ebrsosur p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, madje edhe p\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb vler\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, secila prej k\u00ebtyre dimensioneve t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb solidaritetit q\u00ebndron n\u00eb nj\u00eb spekt\u00ebr. Lufta p\u00ebr transformim sistematik p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen e praktikave dhe institucioneve tona ekonomike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb spektrit, nga pabarazia drejt solidaritetit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nd\u00ebrsa kooperativat e t\u00eb gjitha llojeve – pun\u00ebtori, konsumatori dhe prodhuesi – p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb bllok kryesor nd\u00ebrtimi t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb solidaritetit, gjithashtu, gjithashtu, b\u00ebni p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb promovuar modelet e konsumit me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi shoq\u00ebrore, p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvendosur investimet drejt q\u00ebllimeve sociale dhe mjedisore dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ridizajnuar nd\u00ebrmarrjen p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfitime t\u00eb komunitetit. Shum\u00eb nga praktikat e ekspozuara, nga kopshtet e komunitetit, n\u00eb marrjen e fabrikave ose tokave t\u00eb braktisura, n\u00eb krijimin e monedhave t\u00eb komunitetit, lindin nd\u00ebrsa njer\u00ebzit bashkohen n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb institucioneve ekonomike kapitaliste. N\u00eb thelb, ekonomia e solidaritetit \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehja e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb solidaritetit n\u00eb ekonomi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb ndryshim nga pik\u00ebpamja tradicionale marksiste e revolucionit, korniza e ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb solidaritetit inkurajon njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb transformimin ekonomik sistematik k\u00ebtu dhe tani, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb presin p\u00ebrmbysjen revolucionare t\u00eb kapitalizmit. Ekonomia e solidaritetit po lul\u00ebzon, brenda tregjeve, krahas institucioneve kapitaliste, madje edhe brenda tyre. Ekzistojn\u00eb nj\u00eb mori m\u00ebnyrash p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb ndryshime pozitive, sistematike. Nj\u00eb term i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj ndryshimi \u00ebsht\u00eb r\/evolucioni<\/em> – revolucionar n\u00eb kuptimin e t\u00eb qenurit sistemik, por evolucionar n\u00eb kuptimin e nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndodhur gradualisht, sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00ebdimensional, multi-sektorial dhe me shum\u00eb nivele (mikro dhe makro).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Feminizmi dhe Ekonomia e Solidaritetit<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kuadri i ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb solidaritetit \u00ebsht\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht feminist. Ekonomia kapitaliste u nd\u00ebrtua si nj\u00eb sfer\u00eb e dominuar nga burrat e bardh\u00eb, e p\u00ebrcaktuar nga cil\u00ebsit\u00eb tradicionalisht mashkullore t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs – lufta p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar, d.m.th., p\u00ebr t\u00eb “tejkaluar” ose p\u00ebr t\u00eb dominuar njer\u00ebzit e tjer\u00eb. Burrat siguronin familjet e tyre duke konkurruar me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin n\u00eb ekonomi p\u00ebr para, si sip\u00ebrmarr\u00ebs, fermer\u00eb dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00eb. Ideali (i bardh\u00eb) mashkullor i “njeriut t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00eb” ishte ai q\u00eb e solli at\u00eb nga fundi n\u00eb maj\u00eb t\u00eb hierarkis\u00eb ekonomike t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb dhe pushtetit. Firmat mish\u00ebruan k\u00ebt\u00eb etik\u00eb t\u00eb interesit t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb materialist vetjak n\u00eb form\u00ebn e prodhimit t\u00eb motivuar nga fitimi, me nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrfillje t\u00eb pashpirt p\u00ebr nevojat e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre, konsumator\u00ebve dhe ekosistemit. Kujdesi p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt ishte i kufizuar n\u00eb pun\u00ebn e papaguar dhe t\u00eb zhvler\u00ebsuar t\u00eb grave n\u00eb sht\u00ebpit\u00eb e tyre, ose n\u00eb pun\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimi t\u00eb dominuara nga grat\u00eb me pag\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ekonomia e solidaritetit mund t\u00eb kuptohet si injektimi i vepr\u00ebs tradicionale fem\u00ebrore t\u00eb kujdesit p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt n\u00eb strukturat thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb son\u00eb t\u00eb mbizot\u00ebruar nga mashkulli. N\u00eb sistemin kapitalist, aktiviteti ekonomik \u00ebsht\u00eb strukturuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur pasurin\u00eb e kapitalist\u00ebve. Pronar\u00ebt dhe menaxher\u00ebt e firmave nuk kujdesen p\u00ebr efektet e mundshme negative t\u00eb veprimeve t\u00eb tyre mbi t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt shkarkohen dhe privohen nga jetesa e tyre, konsumator\u00ebt manipulohen dhe keq informohen, dhe ambienti shkat\u00ebrrohet, t\u00eb gjitha si pjes\u00eb e rregullt e biznesit. Si\u00e7 jan\u00eb shprehur shum\u00eb ekonomist\u00eb\/e feminist\/e, ekonomia duhet t’i kushtohet sigurimit t\u00eb nevojave t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ekonomia duhet t\u00eb nxis\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb dhembshura, reciprokisht t\u00eb dobishme mes njer\u00ebzve, dhe mes njer\u00ebzve dhe jet\u00ebs johumane. Kuadri i ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb solidaritetit – i cili thekson termin solidaritet – afirmon k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt thelb\u00ebsor t\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb ri p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin po punon politika e solidaritetit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, vet\u00eb transformimi i praktik\u00ebs s\u00eb pun\u00ebs s\u00eb kujdesit b\u00ebhet thelb\u00ebsor p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar ekonomin\u00eb e solidaritetit dhe Tranzicionin e Madh. Prind\u00ebrimi tradicional autoritar n\u00eb nj\u00eb familje patriarkale vendos rolet dominuese-vart\u00ebse t\u00eb cilat m\u00eb pas riprodhohen p\u00ebrmes shkollimit tradicional dhe m\u00eb pas n\u00eb firmat kapitaliste, autoritare. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e pabarabarta t\u00eb dominimit dhe vart\u00ebsis\u00eb fillojn\u00eb n\u00eb familje, me burrin mbi gruan, dhe prind\u00ebrit mbi f\u00ebmij\u00ebt. F\u00ebmij\u00ebt shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb shkoll\u00eb ku m\u00ebsuesit e tyre i drejtojn\u00eb dhe i rendisin, dhe m\u00eb pas n\u00eb vendet e pun\u00ebs ku k\u00ebrkohet bindja ndaj shefit. N\u00ebse do ta shnd\u00ebrrojm\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb ton\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve reciprokisht t\u00eb dobishme, barazitare, prind\u00ebrit duhet t’i m\u00ebsojn\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebt t\u00eb mos dominojn\u00eb ose t\u00eb<\/a> n\u00ebnshtrohen, por m\u00eb tep\u00ebr se si ta duan dhe pohojn\u00eb veten e tyre, t\u00eb ngrihen p\u00ebr veten e tyre dhe t\u00eb respektojn\u00eb e t\u00eb kujdesen p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Feminist\u00ebt kan\u00eb shpenzuar mjaft energji duke avokuar p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtetjen financiare p\u00ebr pun\u00ebn e kujdesit tradicional t\u00eb grave dhe pun\u00ebt e kujdesit me pag\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt. Por ne gjithashtu duhet t’ia n\u00ebnshtrojm\u00eb m\u00ebm\u00ebsin\u00eb, prind\u00ebrimin dhe kujdesin nj\u00eb lenteje transformuese feministe dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb m\u00ebnyra inovative p\u00ebr t\u00eb na ndihmuar t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ta b\u00ebjm\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb, si pjes\u00eb e pun\u00ebs son\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshime sistemike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebrfundim<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Feminizmi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb – feminizmi q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb \u00e7liroj\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha grat\u00eb – \u00e7on n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme n\u00eb politik\u00eb solidariteti, ekonomi solidariteti dhe r\/evolucion – nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje globale e qytetar\u00ebve, si\u00e7 p\u00ebrshkruhet nga Iniciativa e Tranzicionit t\u00eb Madh. \u00cbsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb feminist\u00ebt, si gra ashtu edhe burra, t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb ta pohojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe t’i atribuojn\u00eb politik\u00ebs solidare. Feminizmi duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb r\/evolucionar n\u00ebse d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb jet\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht feminist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha l\u00ebvizjet progresive t\u00eb jen\u00eb vigjilente n\u00eb lidhje me sfid\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrsektorialitetit dhe t\u00eb angazhohen p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhdukur t\u00eb gjitha format e pabarazis\u00eb – p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dominimin e meshkujve dhe shtypjen gjinore – q\u00eb ata hasin brenda organizatave t\u00eb tyre dhe n\u00eb organizimin e tyre.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

L\u00ebvizja \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb aktor kryesor n\u00eb nj\u00eb teat\u00ebr t\u00eb ri bot\u00ebror, megjithat\u00eb shumica nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb dijeni p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Ne duhet t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb t\u00eb zhvendosim lentet nga rezistenca p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar, nga ajo q\u00eb jemi kund\u00ebr n\u00eb at\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn jemi dhe t\u00eb frym\u00ebzojm\u00eb veten me shum\u00eb shembuj t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb solidaritetit n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn. Nj\u00eb detyr\u00eb kryesore p\u00ebr feminist\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb progresist\u00ebt n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb historis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme rrug\u00ebn r\/evolucionare p\u00ebrpara n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb frym\u00ebzojn\u00eb aktivist\u00ebt p\u00ebrparimtar\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb bashkohen dhe t\u00eb rreshtohen n\u00eb linjat e koordinuara t\u00eb sinergjis\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Julie Matthaei<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Julie Matthaei \u00ebsht\u00eb Profesoresh\u00eb e Ekonomis\u00eb n\u00eb Kolegjin Wellesley, dhe bashk\u00ebthemeluese dhe an\u00ebtare e bordit t\u00eb Rrjetit t\u00eb Ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb Solidaritetit t\u00eb SHBA.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

E p\u00ebrktheu: Riola Morina<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Teksti origjinal mund ta gjeni n\u00eb:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

https:\/\/www.commondreams.org\/views\/2018\/08\/19\/feminism-and-revolution-looking-back-looking-ahead<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":917,"template":"","class_list":["post-863","lexo-post","type-lexo-post","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nFeminizmi dhe revolucioni: E kaluara dhe e ardhmja - QIKA<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/qika.org\/lexime\/feminizmi-dhe-revolucioni-e-kaluara-dhe-e-ardhmja\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Feminizmi dhe revolucioni: E kaluara dhe e ardhmja - QIKA\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Pse duhet t\u00eb kalojm\u00eb p\u00ebrtej nj\u00eb politike q\u00eb e sheh feminizmin si nj\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb grave kund\u00ebr shtypjes nga burrat te nj\u00eb politik\u00eb solidariteti q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t’i jap\u00eb fund t\u00eb gjitha formave t\u00eb shtypjes N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 1970, si nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb integrale e feminizmit “t\u00eb val\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb”, marksist-feminist\u00ebt k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00ebn t\u00eb pranonin q\u00eb patriarkalizmi […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/qika.org\/lexime\/feminizmi-dhe-revolucioni-e-kaluara-dhe-e-ardhmja\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"QIKA\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2021-03-09T13:37:21+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/qika.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/03\/vvvogel.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"570\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"290\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"10 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/qika.org\/lexime\/feminizmi-dhe-revolucioni-e-kaluara-dhe-e-ardhmja\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/qika.org\/lexime\/feminizmi-dhe-revolucioni-e-kaluara-dhe-e-ardhmja\/\",\"name\":\"Feminizmi dhe revolucioni: E kaluara dhe e ardhmja - 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