P\u00ebrfshirja e grave n\u00eb arsim ka qen\u00eb historikisht nj\u00eb proces i nd\u00ebrprer\u00eb dhe i kusht\u00ebzuar nga struktura t\u00eb thella patriarkale, por n\u00eb kontekstin e shoq\u00ebrive si Kosova, ky proces merr nj\u00eb dimension ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht transformues. Derisa dekadat e fundit kan\u00eb sh\u00ebnuar rritje t\u00eb dukshme t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjes s\u00eb grave n\u00eb arsimin e lart\u00eb, kjo zhvendosje numerike nuk ka gjetur ende pasqyrim t\u00eb plot\u00eb n\u00eb strukturat e udh\u00ebheqjes akademike, duke krijuar nj\u00eb hendek midis emancipimit individual dhe fuqizimit strukturor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb historis\u00eb, e drejta e grave p\u00ebr arsim ka qen\u00eb sistematikisht e mohuar, duke reflektuar pabarazi t\u00eb thella gjinore t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosura n\u00eb struktura shoq\u00ebrore, kulturore dhe politike. P\u00ebr shum\u00eb koh\u00eb, arsimi ishte privilegj ekskluziv i burrave, k\u00ebshtu duke qen\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr riprodhimin e hierarkive patriarkale dhe ruajtjen e rendit ekzistues shoq\u00ebror. Sipas filozofes Mary Wollstonecraft, e cila n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e saj “A Vindication of the Rights of Woman” (1792) sfidoi ndarjen gjinore t\u00eb dijes, \u201ctruri i gruas nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak racional se ai i burrit; ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm m\u00eb pak e arsimuar\u201d. Kjo qasje sh\u00ebnoi lindjen e nj\u00eb paradigme t\u00eb re mbi arsimin si e drejt\u00eb universale, duke e vendosur at\u00eb n\u00eb themel t\u00eb emancipimit dhe barazis\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, arsimimi i grave nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm \u00e7\u00ebshtje individuale, por akt politik dhe transformues. P\u00ebr grat\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb post-konfliktuale si Kosova, arsimi ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb drejt autonomis\u00eb dhe pjes\u00ebmarrjes aktive n\u00eb jet\u00ebn publike, duke sfiduar kufijt\u00eb e imponuar nga tradita, varf\u00ebria si dhe normat patriarkale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kosova, pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 1999, ka kaluar n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb thell\u00eb transformimi politik dhe institucional. Nd\u00ebrtimi i shtetit, demokratizimi dhe integrimi n\u00eb strukturat evropiane soll\u00ebn nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr riform\u00ebsim t\u00eb rolit t\u00eb gruas n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Megjithat\u00eb, ky proces \u00ebsht\u00eb ndikuar nga faktor\u00eb kompleks\u00eb, nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, p\u00ebrpjekjet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr \u201cgender mainstreaming\u201d e p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb barazin\u00eb gjinore n\u00eb diskursin institucional, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, strukturat patriarkale lokale dhe modelet tradicionale t\u00eb pushtetit vazhduan ta ngadal\u00ebsojn\u00eb p\u00ebrkthimin e k\u00ebtij diskursi n\u00eb realitet praktik. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat nga platforma 1\u22601 p\u00ebr periudh\u00ebn 2018-2023 d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb nj\u00eb ndryshim dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs n\u00eb struktur\u00ebn gjinore t\u00eb arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, q\u00eb pasqyron jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrfshirjen e grave n\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat e dijes, por edhe transformimin e q\u00ebndrimeve shoq\u00ebrore. N\u00eb vitin akademik 2018\/2019, vajzat p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin 57% t\u00eb student\u00ebve t\u00eb nivelit bachelor, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb vitin 2022\/2023 kjo p\u00ebrqindje arriti n\u00eb 65%. Kjo rritje nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht numerike, por p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb zhvendosje kulturore q\u00eb, si\u00e7 do ta p\u00ebrkufizonte Amartya Sen (1999), pasqyron \u201czgjerimin e aft\u00ebsive p\u00ebr t\u00eb jetuar jet\u00ebn q\u00eb individ\u00ebt kan\u00eb arsye ta vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb\u201d. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Grat\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb po p\u00ebrdorin arsimin si mekaniz\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar pavar\u00ebsi, p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar kapital social dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb dep\u00ebrtuar n\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat tradicionale t\u00eb pushtetit. N\u00eb nivelet master dhe doktoral, kjo prirje jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb vazhdon, por edhe konsolidohet. N\u00eb vitin akademik 2022\/2023, 66% e student\u00ebve t\u00eb nivelit master dhe shumica e kandidat\u00ebve t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs ishin gra, \u00e7ka tregon p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vet\u00ebdije strategjike t\u00eb grave q\u00eb, n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb barazis\u00eb strukturore n\u00eb tregun e pun\u00ebs, k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb ta kompensojn\u00eb at\u00eb me arsimim t\u00eb lart\u00eb. Si\u00e7 argumenton Martha Nussbaum (2000), arsimi ofron \u201ckapacitetet e brendshme p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje dhe pjes\u00ebmarrje t\u00eb barabart\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike dhe ekonomike\u201d, duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb grat\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb afta t\u00eb sfidojn\u00eb strukturat e pabarazis\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, ky progres arsimor nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar me rritje t\u00eb barabart\u00eb t\u00eb grave n\u00eb pozitat udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, vet\u00ebm dy nga universitetet publike drejtohen nga grat\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb gjitha universitetet e tjera publike (Prishtina, Prizreni, Peja, Gjakova dhe Gjilani) dhe shumica e institucioneve private t\u00eb arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb mbeten t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequra nga burra. Kjo diskrepanc\u00eb tregon se, ndon\u00ebse grat\u00eb jan\u00eb shumic\u00eb n\u00eb salla ligjeratash, ato mbeten pakic\u00eb n\u00eb tryezat e vendimmarrjes. Ky hendek gjinor n\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjen akademike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e munges\u00ebs s\u00eb kualifikimit, por e nj\u00eb kombinimi t\u00eb faktor\u00ebve strukturor\u00eb dhe kulturor\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Institucionalisht, proceset e em\u00ebrimeve n\u00eb pozita drejtuese shpesh karakterizohen nga munges\u00eb transparence dhe rrjete patronazhi, t\u00eb cilat favorizojn\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt burra. Kulturalisht, normat tradicionale dhe perceptimet p\u00ebr \u201cautoritetin\u201d ende e lidhin udh\u00ebheqjen me t\u00eb qenit burr\u00eb, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr grat\u00eb t\u00eb legjitimojn\u00eb pranin\u00eb e tyre n\u00eb hierarkin\u00eb akademike. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, faktor\u00ebt socio-ekonomik\u00eb si roli disproporcional i grave n\u00eb pun\u00ebt e kujdesit dhe mungesa e politikave p\u00ebr balancimin e jet\u00ebs profesionale me at\u00eb private i kufizojn\u00eb mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr karrier\u00eb afatgjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ky fenomen pasqyron at\u00eb q\u00eb studiuesit e quajn\u00eb \u201cparadoksi gjinor i arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb\u201d, nj\u00eb situat\u00eb ku grat\u00eb arrijn\u00eb nivele m\u00eb t\u00eb larta arsimimi, por nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb n\u00eb strukturat e pushtetit. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ky paradoks reflekton nj\u00eb tranzicion t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfunduar ku arsimi ka emancipuar grat\u00eb n\u00eb aspektin individual, por nuk ka arritur ende t\u2019i fuqizoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sistemike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Arsimimi q\u00eb nuk transformon strukturat e pushtetit \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrshtatje me status quo-n\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi numerik i grave n\u00eb universitete nuk duhet par\u00eb si p\u00ebrfundim, por si pik\u00ebnisje p\u00ebr rishikimin e m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs si funksionon vet\u00eb sistemi arsimor dhe mekanizmat e tij t\u00eb avancimit. P\u00ebr ta kap\u00ebrcyer k\u00ebt\u00eb hendek, nevojitet q\u00eb barazia gjinore t\u00eb mos trajtohet m\u00eb si element formal i dokumenteve strategjike, por si kategori p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebse e reform\u00ebs universitare. Politikat e p\u00ebrfshirjes duhet t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrohen me mekanizma llogaridh\u00ebnieje, mentorimi profesional, mb\u00ebshtetje p\u00ebr n\u00ebnat q\u00eb jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e stafit akademik dhe promovim t\u00eb grave n\u00eb nivelet e larta t\u00eb k\u00ebrkimit dhe menaxhimit universitar. Vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb arsimi mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet, si\u00e7 e p\u00ebrshkruan Freire, \u201cmjet i nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsimit t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr realitetin e saj dhe transformimit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb liris\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim, t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat dhe dinamika gjinore n\u00eb arsimin e lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb transformim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, por jo t\u00eb plot\u00eb. Grat\u00eb kan\u00eb fituar arsimin si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb emancipimit, por jo ende udh\u00ebheqjen si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb pushtetit. Kjo mosp\u00ebrputhje e b\u00ebn t\u00eb nevojshme nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb re q\u00eb lidh arsimin me drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore, dhe emancipimin me pjes\u00ebmarrjen reale n\u00eb strukturat e vendimmarrjes. Vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb barazia do t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb ideal moral, do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet praktik\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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Ky artikull \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahur nga programi i Fondacionit Kosovar p\u00ebr Shoq\u00ebri Civile (KCSF) \u2018EJA Kosov\u00eb\u2019, bashk\u00ebfinancuar nga Agjencia Zvicerane p\u00ebr Zhvillim dhe Bashk\u00ebpunim (SDC) dhe Suedia. P\u00ebrmbajtja e k\u00ebtij artikulli \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi e QIKA dhe jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht paraqet q\u00ebndrimet e KCSF-s\u00eb, SDC-s\u00eb, apo Suedis\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":11827,"template":"","class_list":["post-11823","perspective-post","type-perspective-post","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\n