{"id":12574,"date":"2026-06-02T10:11:24","date_gmt":"2026-06-02T09:11:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/qika.org\/?post_type=perspective-post&#038;p=12574"},"modified":"2026-06-02T10:13:09","modified_gmt":"2026-06-02T09:13:09","slug":"ideologjia-anti-gjinore-ne-diskursin-e-perditshem-ne-kosove","status":"publish","type":"perspective-post","link":"https:\/\/qika.org\/en\/perspective-post\/ideologjia-anti-gjinore-ne-diskursin-e-perditshem-ne-kosove\/","title":{"rendered":"Ideologjia anti &#8211; gjinore\u00a0 n\u00eb diskursin e p\u00ebrditsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ekstremizmi i krahut t\u00eb djatht\u00eb, nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim n\u00eb rritje anemban\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, karakterizohet nga autoritarizmi, ideologjit\u00eb antidemokratike dhe nacionalizmi p\u00ebrjashtues. Kjo l\u00ebvizje minon demokracin\u00eb, promovon urrejtje ndaj t\u00eb huajve dhe targeton grat\u00eb, individ\u00ebt e komunitetit LGBTIQ+ dhe grupet minoritare. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb adresuar ekstremizmin jan\u00eb fokusuar kryesisht n\u00eb ekstremizmin fetar, duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb ekstremizmin e krahut t\u00eb djatht\u00eb relativisht t\u00eb paeksploruar. Trendet e reja tregojn\u00eb se barazia gjinore tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00ebbetej\u00eb qendrore brenda diskursit ekstremist t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb djatht\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. \u00a0Aktivist\u00ebt e barazis\u00eb gjinore, grat\u00eb dhe studiuesit\/et q\u00eb punojn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fush\u00eb jan\u00eb shpesh objektiva t\u00eb sulmeve dhe portretizohen si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr kombin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Anemban\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, termi \u2018ideologjia gjinore\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb koncept qendror q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar idet\u00eb q\u00eb perceptohen si ideologjike, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb barazia gjinore, aborti, edukimi seksual, t\u00eb drejtat reprodukuese dhe t\u00eb drejtat e komunitetit LGBTIQ+. Si\u00e7 shpjegon Butler, \u00e7\u00ebshtja gjinore paraqitet jo vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt, sigurin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare, martes\u00ebn heteroseksuale dhe familjen normative, por edhe si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb komploti t\u00eb pretenduar nga elitat p\u00ebr t\u2019u imponuar vlerat e tyre kulturore \u2018njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb.\u2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Pra, mobilizimet anti-gjinore marrin forma t\u00eb ndryshme, nga kund\u00ebrshtimi i martesave t\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs gjini deri te protestat kund\u00ebr abortit. Megjithat\u00eb, ato shpesh konvergjojn\u00eb rreth ides\u00eb s\u00eb \u2018k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit ndaj familjes\u2019 dhe nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur at\u00eb. Familja q\u00eb ato k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ekskluzivisht nj\u00eb nj\u00ebsi heteroseksuale\/ heteronormative, e p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga nj\u00eb n\u00ebn\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb baba (t\u00eb martuar) dhe f\u00ebmij\u00ebt, pra nj\u00eb \u2018familje tradicionale\u2019. Kjo \u2018familje e kompletuar\u2019 portretizohet si mjedisi i vet\u00ebm \u2018i sh\u00ebndetsh\u00ebm\u2019 p\u00ebr rritjen e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Megjith\u00ebse l\u00ebvizja anti-gjinore nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gjurmuar formalisht n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, narrativa e saj \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrqafuar dhe e qarkulluar gjer\u00ebsisht mes individ\u00ebve, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb mediat sociale, ku \u00ebsht\u00eb manifestuar kryesisht si gjuh\u00eb e urrejtjes q\u00eb targeton grat\u00eb n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn politike dhe publike. Gjuha e urrejtjes \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrhapur gjer\u00ebsisht n\u00eb mediat sociale, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht kund\u00ebr grave n\u00eb role publike, dhe shpesh merr forma t\u00eb tilla si ngacmimi, dezinformimi dhe <em>deepfakes<\/em>. Megjithat\u00eb, l\u00ebvizjet anti-gjinore dallojn\u00eb nga kjo gjuh\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, pasi ato priren t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb strukturuara, t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequra ideologjikisht dhe transnacionale, duke vepruar p\u00ebrtej konteksteve lokale, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb i p\u00ebrshtatin narrativat e tyre me mjediset specifike komb\u00ebtare. Si\u00e7 ka v\u00ebrejtur Butler, k\u00ebto l\u00ebvizje shpesh marrin mb\u00ebshtetje financiare dhe organizative nga aktor\u00eb t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme ose organizata fetare me elemente radikale. Edhe kur iniciativat nuk financohen drejtp\u00ebrdrejt nga rrjetet transnacionale fetare apo t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme, ato shpesh riprodhojn\u00eb diskurse t\u00eb ngjashme dhe demonstrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb koordinimi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Narrativa anti-gjinore mori hov n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb gjat\u00eb debateve p\u00ebr Projekt-Kodin Civil dhe Projektligjin p\u00ebr Sh\u00ebndetin Riprodhues dhe Fertilizimin e Asistuar Mjek\u00ebsor. Projekt-Kodi Civil lejon bashkimet civile t\u00eb regjistruara mes personave t\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit seks, gj\u00eb q\u00eb nxiti nj\u00eb reagim t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb nga krer\u00ebt fetar\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt l\u00ebshuan nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt kund\u00ebr k\u00ebtij propozimi. Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit nga komunitete t\u00eb ndryshme fetare, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit mysliman\u00eb, hebrenj, evangjelist\u00eb dhe katolik\u00eb, e arsyetuan kund\u00ebrshtimin e tyre duke cituar vlerat fetare, kulturore dhe tradicionale, duke v\u00ebn\u00eb theksin te ruajtja e \u2018vlerave familjare\u2019 dhe mbrojtja e p\u00ebrkufizimit tradicional t\u00eb martes\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Kjo narativ\u00eb anti-gjinore gjeti jehon\u00eb edhe brenda Kuvendit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ku disa deputet\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuan hapur njohjen e bashk\u00ebjetesave civile mes seksit t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb. Shum\u00eb prej tyre i barazojn\u00eb gabimisht bashk\u00ebjetesat civile me martes\u00ebn mes seksit t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr dallimit juridik. N\u00eb b\u00ebrtham\u00ebn e k\u00ebtyre narrativave anti-gjinore q\u00ebndron vet\u00eb-perceptimi si mbrojt\u00ebs t\u00eb familjes \u2018normale\u2019 dhe \u2018tradicionale\u2019. P\u00ebr shembull, at\u00ebher\u00eb deputeti M\u00ebrgim Lushtaku kund\u00ebrshtoi publikisht si Kodin Civil, ashtu edhe bashk\u00ebjetesat e seksit t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb, duke argumentuar se \u2018sipas natyr\u00ebs, martesa \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion heteroseksual\u2019 dhe se njohja e martesave t\u00eb seksit t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb minon lidhjen midis martes\u00ebs dhe reproduktimit. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme, Duda Balje, at\u00ebher\u00eb kryetare e Komisionit Parlamentar p\u00ebr t\u00eb Drejtat e Njeriut, kund\u00ebrshtoi martes\u00ebn mes seksit s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb mbi baza fetare, duke e kornizuar q\u00ebndrimin e saj si opinion personal, ndon\u00ebse roli i saj institucional i dha atij nj\u00eb ndikim m\u00eb t\u00eb madh.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Diskutimet rreth Projektligjit p\u00ebr Sh\u00ebndetin Riprodhues dhe Fertilizimin e Asistuar Mjek\u00ebsor u ndesh\u00ebn me nj\u00eb rezistenc\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb, duke zbuluar se si ideologjia anti-gjinore \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurur me diskursin etno-nacionalist n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Propozimet p\u00ebr t\u2019u lejuar grave t\u00eb pamartuara qasjen n\u00eb IVF dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjeruar sh\u00ebrbimet riprodhuese p\u00ebrmes spitaleve publike u kornizuan nga kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime ekzistenciale ndaj \u2018familjes tradicionale\u2019, shoq\u00ebruar shpesh me pretendime raciste, alarmuese dhe mashtruese. K\u00ebto narrativa e pozicionuan autonomin\u00eb riprodhuese jo si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb sh\u00ebndetit apo t\u00eb drejtave, por si nj\u00eb devijim nga nj\u00eb rend i imagjinuar moral dhe komb\u00ebtar. Madje gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre debateve, disa deputet\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn gjuh\u00eb alarmist, raciste dhe shprehimisht nacionaliste, duke e krahasuar ligjin me \u2018Hiroshim\u00ebn dhe Nagasakin\u2019 dhe duke paralajm\u00ebruar p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00eb q\u00eb gjoja \u2018lindin nga incesti\u2019 ose q\u00eb posedojn\u00eb \u2018gjak t\u00eb papast\u00ebr\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ky p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzim p\u00ebrkoi me konsolidimin e nj\u00eb force politike konservatore q\u00eb p\u00ebrfitoi nga rritja e ndjenjave t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme dhe anti-gjinore gjat\u00eb zgjedhjeve komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb vitit 2024 n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00ebn flamurin e \u2018Koalicionit p\u00ebr Familjen\u2019. Duke mobilizuar votuesit rreth mbrojtjes s\u00eb familjes heteronormative. Koalicioni normalizoi retorik\u00ebn p\u00ebrjashtuese dhe kontribuoi n\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedis politik gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb hapur ndaj ekstremit t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb djatht\u00eb. Martesa mes seksit t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb u nd\u00ebrtua si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim qendror, me thirrje elektorale q\u00eb u k\u00ebrkonin njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplicite t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesnin kandidat\u00ebt q\u00eb zotoheshin ta kund\u00ebrshtonin at\u00eb. Si\u00e7 argumenton Butler, gjinia n\u00eb kontekste t\u00eb tilla funksionon si nj\u00eb sken\u00eb psikosociale, nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb publike e t\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrruarit p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs projektohen fantazit\u00eb kolektive. E kaluara q\u00eb ithtar\u00ebt anti-gjinor\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb \u2018rikthejn\u00eb\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak nj\u00eb realitet historik sesa nj\u00eb rend shoq\u00ebror i imagjinuar, i rr\u00ebnjosur n\u00eb autoritetin patriarkal, hierarkit\u00eb e ngurta gjinore dhe homogjenitetin etnik. Traditat kulturore dhe normat shoq\u00ebrore ekzistuese n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, q\u00eb theksojn\u00eb strukturat familjare heteronormative dhe rolet gjinore qart\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndara, ofrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb terren t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm q\u00eb k\u00ebto narrativa t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb vend.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Rrjedhimisht, debati rreth Kodit Civil shtrihet shum\u00eb p\u00ebrtej t\u00eb drejtave LGBTIQ+, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb pyetje m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera mbi martes\u00ebn, dashurin\u00eb, dhe vet\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e kombit. Gjinia dhe seksualiteti shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb mjete p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave mbik\u00ebqyret p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsia etno-nacionaliste dhe \u2018vlerat e familjes shqiptare\u2019 lart\u00ebsohen si tregues t\u00eb autenticitetit moral dhe komb\u00ebtar. Kjo logjik\u00eb u b\u00eb e qart\u00eb gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs zgjedhore nga Eman Rrahmani, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs i Koalicionit p\u00ebr Familjen, i cili deklaro:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u00a0\u201cS\u2019ka prindi 1 e 2, ka nan\u00eb, bab\u00eb, grua, vajz\u00eb, djal\u00eb. Le ta harroj secili q\u00eb guxon t\u00eb ndryshoj familjen shqiptare. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb angazhim politik ju garantoj q\u00eb asnj\u00ebri nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtij ekipi p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitu, secili ka shpreh vullnetin p\u00ebr me mbrojt vler\u00ebn e familjes. Agjend\u00ebs q\u00eb cenon familjen po i vjen fundi.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb k\u00ebto zhvillime, p\u00ebrhapja e narrativave anti-gjinore n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb artikuluar gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb kornize shprehimisht etno-nacionaliste, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn barazia gjinore dhe t\u00eb drejtat reproduktive portretizohen si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime ekzistenciale p\u00ebr vet\u00eb kombin. Kjo logjik\u00eb u artikulua n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb theksuar n\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjet publike t\u00eb lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb. P\u00ebr shembull, G\u00ebzim Kelmendi, kryetar i Partis\u00eb Konservatore \u2018Fjala\u2019, akuzoi Kryeministrin Albin Kurti se po mb\u00ebshtet Kodin Civil n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb \u2018shkat\u00ebrron shtyll\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb shtetit: familjen\u2019, duke pretenduar se \u201cn\u00ebse Serbia i ka vrar\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt me arm\u00eb, Albin Kurti po i vret me k\u00ebt\u00eb ligj.\u201d Deklarata t\u00eb tilla shkrijn\u00eb reform\u00ebn ligjore, barazin\u00eb gjinore dhe dhun\u00ebn komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb nj\u00eb narativ\u00eb t\u00eb vetme, duke e paraqitur ligjin p\u00ebr riprodhimin dhe familjen jo si \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave apo qeverisjes, por si akte t\u00eb tradhtis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">K\u00ebto narrativa anti-gjinore jan\u00eb amplifikuar ndjesh\u00ebm n\u00eb hap\u00ebsira digjitale. Ndon\u00ebse Kosova nuk ka nj\u00eb grup apo l\u00ebvizje antigjinore t\u00eb organizuar formalisht, narrativat antigjinore jan\u00eb t\u00eb ngulitura n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e urrejtjes q\u00eb targeton grat\u00eb dhe n\u00eb forma t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs me baz\u00eb gjinore ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb platformat online. K\u00ebto praktika funksionojn\u00eb si mjete q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren zakonisht nga aktor\u00ebt anti-gjinor\u00eb. Dhuna online me baz\u00eb gjinore p\u00ebrforcon normat patriarkale, mbik\u00ebqyr\u00eb kufijt\u00eb gjinor\u00eb duke mobilizuar kund\u00ebrshtimin politik dhe shoq\u00ebror ndaj barazis\u00eb gjinore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Normalizimi i dhun\u00ebs digjitale me baz\u00eb gjinore p\u00ebrmes narrativave anti-gjinore<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Aktor\u00ebt anti-gjinor po p\u00ebrdorin gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb platformat online p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur narrativa q\u00eb sfidojn\u00eb barazin\u00eb gjinore dhe t\u00eb drejtat e grave, duke p\u00ebrdorur taktika q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb mjedisi digjital armiq\u00ebsor p\u00ebr grat\u00eb dhe vajzat, t\u00eb karakterizuar nga bullizmi kibernetik, <em>deepfakes<\/em>, <em>doxing<\/em> dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet me dhun\u00eb. Sipas <em>Sensity AI<\/em>, midis 90 dhe 95 p\u00ebr qind e t\u00eb gjitha materialeve <em>deepfake<\/em> n\u00eb internet jan\u00eb imazhe pornografike t\u00eb paautorizuara, ku rreth 90 p\u00ebr qind e k\u00ebtyre imazheve shfaqin gra dhe vajza. Viktimat e <em>deepfakes<\/em> mund t\u00eb p\u00ebsojn\u00eb pasoja shkat\u00ebrruese, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb traum\u00eb psikologjike afatgjat\u00eb, d\u00ebmtim t\u00eb reputacionit, izolim shoq\u00ebror, d\u00ebm financiar dhe, n\u00eb disa raste, humbje jete. Ky d\u00ebm prek n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb joproporcionale grat\u00eb dhe vajzat.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Edhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, dhuna online me baza gjinore \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur si nj\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar narrativat anti-gjinore n\u00eb dhun\u00eb konkrete digjitale. P\u00ebrmes taktikave t\u00eb tilla si <em>deepfakes<\/em>, <em>doxing<\/em> dhe p\u00ebrndjekja kibernetike, aktor\u00ebt ekstrem t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb djatht\u00eb dhe ata tradicional\u00eb punojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb aktive p\u00ebr t\u00eb frik\u00ebsuar, diskredituar dhe heshtur grat\u00eb dhe mbrojt\u00ebsit e t\u00eb drejtave gjinore n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn publike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Sipas Raportit t\u00eb vitit 2024 t\u00eb Sekretarit t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb mbi Dhun\u00ebn ndaj Grave dhe Vajzave, sektori i teknologjis\u00eb mbetet i dominuar kryesisht nga burrat. P\u00ebr shembull, grat\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb vet\u00ebm 29.2% t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb pun\u00ebtore n\u00eb shkenc\u00eb, teknologji, inxhinieri dhe matematik\u00eb, dhe vet\u00ebm 30% t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb pun\u00ebtore n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e inteligjenc\u00ebs artificiale. Mungesa e grave dhe e perspektivave t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb sektorin e teknologjis\u00eb ndikon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si teknologjit\u00eb dizajnohen p\u00ebr t&#8217;iu p\u00ebrgjigjur nevojave gjinore, si dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse dhe t\u00eb sigurta p\u00ebr grat\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, duke qen\u00eb se inteligjenca artificiale bazohet n\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna q\u00eb shpesh jan\u00eb t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb paragjykime gjinore, ajo rrezikon t\u00eb riprodhoj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsoj\u00eb diskriminimin me baz\u00eb gjinore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ky d\u00ebshtim strukturor p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar hap\u00ebsira digjitale t\u00eb sigurta p\u00ebrkthehet n\u00eb pasoja t\u00eb r\u00ebnda dhe t\u00eb prekshme n\u00eb terren. Ndon\u00ebse t\u00eb gjitha grat\u00eb dhe vajzat mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetojn\u00eb abuzim dhe dhun\u00eb digjitale, grupe t\u00eb caktuara p\u00ebrballen me rreziqe t\u00eb shtuara, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht grat\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike dhe publike, si dhe ato q\u00eb p\u00ebrjetojn\u00eb forma t\u00eb interseksionale t\u00eb diskriminimit, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb grat\u00eb me aft\u00ebsi t\u00eb kufizuara, grat\u00eb migrante dhe individ\u00ebt LGBTIQ+. Raporti i Monitorimit mbi Gjuh\u00ebn e Urrejtjes n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (2025) dokumenton nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb urrejtjes me baz\u00eb gjinore, t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosur dhe t\u00eb synyuar gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb monitorimit 2024\u20132025, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht brenda ekosistemit mediatik dhe online t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Grat\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00ebn publike, posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht ato t\u00eb angazhuara n\u00eb politik\u00eb, aktiviz\u00ebm dhe komuniteti LGBTIQ+, u b\u00ebn\u00eb subjekt i modeleve t\u00eb vazhdueshme t\u00eb ngacmimit q\u00eb shtriheshin p\u00ebrtej sulmeve individuale. K\u00ebto narrativa funksionuan si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjeje m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i p\u00ebrjashtuar grat\u00eb nga hap\u00ebsira simbolike dhe politike e kombit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Pavar\u00ebsisht se hap\u00ebsirat digjitale po shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb terren shum\u00eb t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm p\u00ebr rritjen e narratives anti-gjinore dhe t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs me baz\u00eb gjinore, korniza ligjore e Kosov\u00ebs aktualisht vuan nga mang\u00ebsi kritike n\u00eb trajtimin e dhun\u00ebs online me baz\u00eb gjinore. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, Kosov\u00ebs i mungon ekspertiza teknike dhe vullneti politik p\u00ebr t\u2019i hetuar k\u00ebto raste n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efektive. Institucionet e zbatimit t\u00eb ligjit, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb policin\u00eb, prokurorin\u00eb dhe gjykatat, aktualisht mb\u00ebshteten n\u00eb veprat penale t\u00eb definuara n\u00eb Kodin Penal, si shantazhi, kanosja, shtr\u00ebngimi, ngacmimi, ngacmimi seksual dhe dhuna. Megjithat\u00eb, Kosova nuk ka nj\u00eb ligj t\u00eb dedikuar apo politik\u00eb publike q\u00eb rregullon specifikisht hap\u00ebsirat online ose q\u00eb adreson dhun\u00ebn me baz\u00eb gjinore online. \u00a0Strategjia Komb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr Mbrojtjen nga Dhuna n\u00eb Familje dhe Dhuna ndaj Grave (2022\u20132026) e adreson dhun\u00ebn online me baz\u00eb gjinore vet\u00ebm pjes\u00ebrisht, kryesisht p\u00ebrmes masave q\u00eb synojn\u00eb fuqizimin e mbik\u00ebqyrjes n\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi dhe pun\u00ebs policore t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb inteligjenc\u00eb n\u00eb rastet e dhun\u00ebs n\u00eb familje dhe dhun\u00ebs ndaj grave, si dhe p\u00ebrmes trajnimit t\u00eb Nj\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr Hetimin e Krimeve Kibernetike t\u00eb Policis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrgjigjur dhun\u00ebs online ndaj grave. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Ligji p\u00ebr Parandalimin dhe Mbrojtjen nga Dhuna n\u00eb Familje, Dhuna ndaj Grave dhe Dhuna n\u00eb Baz\u00eb Gjinore e njeh ngacmimin online si nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs me baz\u00eb gjinore. Ai e p\u00ebrcakton \u201cngacmimin seksual p\u00ebrmes internetit\u201d si \u00e7do veprim t\u00eb pad\u00ebshiruar verbal, joverbal, ose veprim tjet\u00ebr i nj\u00eb natyre seksuale, q\u00eb shkel dinjitetin e nj\u00eb personi ose krijon nj\u00eb mjedis frik\u00ebsues, armiq\u00ebsor, degradues, posht\u00ebrues ose fyes. \u00a0N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme, legjislacioni ekzistues i Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr krimet kibernetike mbetet i kufizuar n\u00eb fush\u00ebveprim. Ai trajton kryesisht veprat penale kibernetike tradicionale, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb qasja e paautorizuar n\u00eb sistemet apo t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat informatike, nd\u00ebrsa d\u00ebshton t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb format m\u00eb t\u00eb reja dhe m\u00eb komplekse t\u00eb abuzimit digjital, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb doxingu, ngacmimin kibernetik dhe abuzimin p\u00ebrmes imazheve t\u00eb publikuara paautorizim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Nd\u00ebrkaq, n\u00eb maj t\u00eb vitit 2024, Bashkimi Evropian miratoi Direktiv\u00ebn p\u00ebr Luftimin e Dhun\u00ebs ndaj Grave dhe Dhun\u00ebs n\u00eb Familje, e cila adreson n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplicite t\u00eb gjitha format e dhun\u00ebs t\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar p\u00ebrmes teknologjive t\u00eb informacionit dhe komunikimit dhe k\u00ebrkon sanksionimin penal t\u00eb akteve t\u00eb tilla. P\u00ebrafrimi i legjislacionit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me k\u00ebt\u00eb Direktiv\u00eb do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte p\u00ebrfshirjen e dhun\u00ebs digjitale me baz\u00eb gjinore dhe krimeve hibride t\u00eb lidhura me t\u00eb n\u00eb Kodin Penal t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Rasti i <strong>&#8220;<\/strong>AlbKing-ut&#8221; \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shembull tipik q\u00eb ilustron pasojat e k\u00ebsaj mbrojtjeje t\u00eb mang\u00ebt ligjore, duke krijuar nj\u00eb terren t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr aktor\u00ebt anti-gjinor\u00eb. Ky rast shfaq nd\u00ebrthurjen e teknikave <em>deepfake<\/em> dhe <em>doxing<\/em>, ku viktimat kryesore jan\u00eb grate dhe vajzat, t\u00eb cilave u shp\u00ebrndahen pa autorizim t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat personale. Gjithashtu, fushatat hakmarr\u00ebse ndaj grave gazetare, q\u00eb mor\u00ebn guximin t\u00eb raportonin k\u00ebt\u00eb fenomen, tregojn\u00eb qart\u00eb se si mungesa e mekanizmave mbrojt\u00ebs ligjor\u00eb ushqen nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb pand\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebrie p\u00ebr autor\u00ebt e krimeve digjitale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar dimensionin e k\u00ebtij fenomeni, vlen t\u00eb analizohet kronologjia dhe funksionimi i vet\u00eb k\u00ebtij rrjeti. \u201cAlbKings\u201d ishte nj\u00eb chat grup komunikimi fam\u00ebkeq n\u00eb aplikacionin e mesazheve Telegram, i cili u b\u00eb aktiv n\u00eb janar t\u00eb vitit 2023. N\u00eb kulmin e tij, grupi kishte m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 112,000 an\u00ebtar\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrdorej p\u00ebr t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb foto intime, video, p\u00ebrmbajtje <em>deepfake<\/em> dhe t\u00eb dh\u00ebna personale t\u00eb grave dhe vajzave pa p\u00eblqimin e tyre. Gazetarja Ardiana Tha\u00e7i-Mehmeti zhvilloi nj\u00eb hulumtim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb grup, duke ekspozuar m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e tij shkelnin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sistematike privat\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe dinjitetin e grave. Pas raportimit t\u00eb saj mbi rastin n\u00eb emisionin televiziv, disa an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cAlbKings\u201d u hakmor\u00ebn duke shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb numrin e saj t\u00eb telefonit brenda grupit. Si rezultat, ajo mori nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb madh thirrjesh telefonike fyese, emaila dhe mesazhe ku k\u00ebrkoheshin sh\u00ebrbime seksuale. Nd\u00ebrkaq, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dhjet\u00eb gra e kontaktuan gazetaren p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndar\u00eb p\u00ebrvojat e tyre t\u00eb ngacmimit lidhur me grupin AlbKings. M\u00eb 18 shtator 2025, Prokuroria Themelore e Prishtin\u00ebs dor\u00ebzoi nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje mbi pranimin e faj\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Themelore, sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs t\u00eb akuzuarit ran\u00eb dakord t\u00eb paguanin gjoba q\u00eb variojn\u00eb nga 2,000 deri n\u00eb 2, 500 euro p\u00ebr ngacmimin e vazhduesh\u00ebm t\u00eb gazetares s\u00eb KALLXO.com, identiteti i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs mbetet i fshehur p\u00ebr arsye sigurie. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">N\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb p\u00ebr <em>Insajderin<\/em>, nj\u00eb person i prezantuar si administrator i grupit deklaroi se q\u00ebllimi i grupit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfitimi financiar apo shantazhimi i grave p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie seksuale. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ai pretendoi se q\u00ebllimi \u00ebsht\u00eb t&#8217;u &#8220;tregohet fytyra e tyre e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb&#8221;, duke argumentuar se grat\u00eb e shfaqura nuk jan\u00eb &#8220;t\u00eb moralshme&#8221; dhe se grupi synon t\u00eb ekspozoj\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb ata e p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb si prostitucion dhe sjellje imorale n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">P\u00ebrmes k\u00ebsaj narrative, grupi mundohet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb veten si nj\u00eb aktor legjitim, p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbuluar &#8220;fytyr\u00ebn e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb&#8221; t\u00eb grave. Ky pozicionim ka implikime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme sociale, pasi kjo narrativ\u00eb, e cila buron nga ideologjia anti-gjinore, tenton t\u00eb legjitimoj\u00eb forma t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs digjitale n\u00ebn petkun e policimit moral. P\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtij grupi, kjo ideologji \u00ebsht\u00eb jet\u00ebsuar ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebrmes mekanizmave t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhur, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb kategorizimi i grave si &#8220;t\u00eb moralshme&#8221; dhe &#8220;t\u00eb pamoralshme&#8221;, duke p\u00ebrforcuar normat gjinore q\u00eb zbatohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ekskluzive ndaj tyre. Ky diskurs tenton t\u00eb normalizoj\u00eb ngacmimin dhe abuzimin ndaj grave, duke i paraqitur viktimat si p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebset kryesore p\u00ebr dhun\u00ebn e ushtruar ndaj tyre.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Prandaj, mbetet me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi p\u00ebrafrimi i korniz\u00ebs ligjore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Direktiv\u00ebn e BE-s\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 2024 p\u00ebr Luftimin e Dhun\u00ebs ndaj Grave dhe Dhun\u00ebs n\u00eb Familje. Ky hap \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar p\u00ebrputhshm\u00ebrin\u00eb me standardet evropiane dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar mbrojtjen e viktimave. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, ekziston nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb urgjente p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsim dhe kapacitete t\u00eb specializuara n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb zinxhirin e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb policin\u00eb, prokurorin\u00eb dhe gjyq\u00ebsorin, p\u00ebr t&#8217;iu p\u00ebrgjigjur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb profesionale k\u00ebtyre dukurive dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar ideologjin\u00eb mbrapa k\u00ebtyre krimeve. Kjo qasje duhet t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb praktikat e kompromiseve leht\u00ebsuese, si\u00e7 ishte vendimi i Gjykat\u00ebs Themelore n\u00eb rastin \u201cAlb Kings\u201d ndaj gazetares s\u00eb p\u00ebrmendur m\u00eb lart, ku t\u00eb akuzuarit u d\u00ebnuan vet\u00ebm me gjoba monetare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">_________________________________________________________________________________________________________<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ky artikull \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb Projektit \u201cWestern Balkans Civil Society Development Hub\u201d, i financuar nga Sida dhe i zbatuar nga BCSDN.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">P\u00ebrmbajtja e k\u00ebtij artikulli, si dhe informacionet dhe pik\u00ebpamjet e paraqitura n\u00eb t\u00eb, nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimin dhe opinionin zyrtar t\u00eb Sida dhe BCSDN. P\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia p\u00ebr informacionet dhe pik\u00ebpamjet e shprehura n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb artikull bie t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht mbi QIKA-n.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":12571,"template":"","class_list":["post-12574","perspective-post","type-perspective-post","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v23.5 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Ideologjia anti - gjinore\u00a0 n\u00eb diskursin e p\u00ebrditsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb - QIKA<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/qika.org\/perspective-post\/ideologjia-anti-gjinore-ne-diskursin-e-perditshem-ne-kosove\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Ideologjia anti - gjinore\u00a0 n\u00eb diskursin e p\u00ebrditsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb - QIKA\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Ekstremizmi i krahut t\u00eb djatht\u00eb, nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim n\u00eb rritje anemban\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, karakterizohet nga autoritarizmi, ideologjit\u00eb antidemokratike dhe nacionalizmi p\u00ebrjashtues. Kjo l\u00ebvizje minon demokracin\u00eb, promovon urrejtje ndaj t\u00eb huajve dhe targeton grat\u00eb, individ\u00ebt e komunitetit LGBTIQ+ dhe grupet minoritare. 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